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(en) France, Alternative Libertair #219 - News of anti-state socialism (fr)

Date Fri, 19 Oct 2012 10:01:40 +0200


At its Second Congress in April 1993 in Montreuil, Alternative Libertarian leaning on the issue of anti-statism contemporary. At the dawn of the 1990s, the RPR and the PS unleashed the liberal offensive against public services and social security, these "anomalies collectivist" society embedded in the market. AL operated while updating theory. The challenge is to distinguish in the public sector which fell within the "public service" and social utility, and which fell within the "service of the state" and the maintenance of the capitalist order. Note the frequent use of the word "citizen" since fallen into disuse in revolutionary circles, given its perversion by the Republican moralism. A longer version of this excerpt from the Second Congress available on www.alternativelibertaire.org


We offer revolutionary to self-management, conduct combat anti-statist, simply because genuine socialism is democracy, and that the State is the antithesis of democracy. Democracy is the power exercised by the people. And state centralism is the power over the people, from top to bottom. Or words have no meaning, or the word State means a machine and hierarchical pyramid, which concentrates power at the top, and that gives all the necessary coercive and violent for that centralized power is needed to run- es. Democratic revolution remains to be done. She supersede state organization the power mode of actual exercise of popular sovereignty. [...]

We carry an alternative project of self-management democracy. In the state, we oppose the federation. That is to say, an alternative form of centralization / decentralization, direct democracy articulating a delegative democracy, limited and controlled, in the service of direct democracy, the major decisions being subject to the imperative mandate of the population.

We are anti-statist because the state is still attached to class exploitation and capitalist it is today. The state Republican sitting above classes is a fiction. The state is the central body of capitalism, its primary function is to manage. [...] He became himself a great capitalist enterprise, producing or sponsoring a considerable share of services and goods, operating several million workers and generating headed by a technocratic and bureaucratic class, the bourgeoisie secured and technocracy private.

Exercise governmental power is managing capitalism is melting, like it or not, the ruling class. That is why we are radically opposed to any policy of government involvement, any proposal to conduct an "other policy" this time "really left." There is no space left at the top of the state, there is no choice but to manage. [...]

The contradictory nature of the modern state

[...] While holding the power of the ruling class, the state claims assume a social welfare and public service, and a general coordination function in society and cohesion it is obviously necessary to population.

The law protects the interests of the privileged classes, it imposes a moral and social order necessary for the exercise of their domination. But contradictorily it presents undeniable aspects of human liberties and public protection of individuals and communities, the rights acquired by social strata dominated. [...] Capitalist society is constantly traversed by this contradiction, and the state is at the heart of it. Tension towards democracy and the class struggle act two centuries against the interests of the ruling classes [...]. Struggles for democracy, women's suffrage, the struggles of the labor movement, the struggles of immigrant populations imposed enlargements freedoms, acquired legal, political, social. This is why we can not speak of freedom "formal", but real freedoms, torn by strife or the momentum of the struggle, and at least partially conflicting with statism and capitalism.

Institutions are the historical product of a compromise between the ruling classes and the population. This compromise is necessary to capitalism: it provides a wide consensus. This compromise is good for the ruling class: he recorded a balance of power that their definition is favorable in this society. But like all compromises, it contains concessions to pressure dominated their struggles: spaces and forms of expression legal and institutional logics that are more or less united, egalitarian, democratic.

But this compromise is going through a deep crisis. The ruling classes seek, through the "anti-statist" liberals and ultra-liberals, an alternative where the concessions made to the dominated classes are challenged. The alternative of a new libertarian anti-statism is more necessary.

The crisis of the state

The modern state is in crisis in all the major cities. This institutional crisis combines closely with the social crisis. It has three parts: a crisis of representation, a crisis of legitimacy, and a structural crisis tied to the increasing internationalization of capitalism.

1. Crisis of representation of the state

The gap between what the media call "political class" citizens and is no longer disputed by anyone. Delegation of authority and management function of capitalism led to a professionalization of politicians and elected representatives that work in political technocrats layer. The citizens reduced to the status of voters are not interested in political matters even more that their opinions will not be heard. The politicians and politicians do not express their opinions or not their concerns. [...] Hence the rise of abstention, and that the protest vote.

The far right thrives on crisis. The National Front [...] questions parliamentarism while using, and advocated the use of providential leader and strong state. [...].

This profound crisis of representation reinforces our criticism of parliamentarism. A gap opened in the consensus. But the risk is great to see the far right always score more points, against a backdrop of growing demobilization, if a new political practice does not arise, and a mass scale, allowing citizens and citizens recognize themselves in values justice and equality to start from the conquest of political and impose their representation in society.

How libertarians can contribute to this remobilization policy?

Social struggles are necessary, but they will not suffice, even if we emphasize the political dimension of these struggles. They do not provide alone means a comprehensive representation in society. Defense of a project libertarian society can not agree more alone. It can inspire proposals. But its realization is attached to a revolutionary break, and it calls for a whole historical situation different from that of today.

It is here and now that the libertarian must demonstrate the relevance of their proposals.

This is why we need to develop and propose:

- A project truly democratic political representation;

- A practice against-power and conquest of policy by citizens themselves;

- The creation of a new form of social-political movement. This is what we call a broad movement, capitalist and self-management [...].

2. Crisis of legitimacy of the state

The crisis of legitimacy crisis continues representativeness. [...] The State provides more harm to all citizens and all minimum social solidarity and public service the value of profits to continue in this crisis, calls for action overtly unequal. The crisis of the model of social regulation, the establishment of a multi-tiered society, threaten compromise, consensus built around the institutions. The economic crisis and the social crisis therefore weigh the contradictions inherent in "democracy" and that's all parliamentary system loses its legitimacy.

Outbreaks of violence in cities and districts excluding the United States and Europe are the signs of movements permanent angry.

But if parliamentarism and finally liberal capitalism and the market economy gradually lose their legitimacy, there will not necessarily opposite, rising auto mechanics, a transformation project self-management. [...]

It is today, in terms of time, the libertarian must participate in movements and groupings wide trying to bring hope. [...] Because the lens is facing the crisis of legitimacy of the state, the project institutional and social forms become legitimate in the eyes of workers, workers, youth, the basis of society . And for this we need political and social mobilizations of magnitude.

Anti-statism: what has changed

It is no longer possible to defend any such anti-statism carried by currents anarcho-syndicalists and revolutionary syndicalists of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, because the conditions in which their theories have emerged have since been disrupted.

We could distinguish three sides of the anti-statism worker early twentieth century:

- Refusal to participate in the institutions, and the refusal to support the political forces that wish to participate. [...];

- Refusal to intervene in public debates on issues relevant institutions. The question of the state is sidelined for two reasons: "everything is done", the State does not meet other functions as defense of capitalist interests and the real levers of power not found in institutions but in production;

- Hence a strategy against union power, associations, mutualist. Workers build the foundations of their own society within capitalist society, trade unions and mutuals are intended to take care of the entire society at the time of social revolution.

This form of anti-statism worker was born in a time when the proletariat was physically very small minority in society, and deliberately marginalized by a State that met his demands by violent repression and shot in a society where forms Solidarity was supported directly by the exploited.

Since then, a century has passed, and changes in the state apparatus are very important:

- The workforce has been widely proletarianized. The workers and the workers, employees, and the layers are close in more than two thirds;

- The modern state [...] covers a whole range of functions solidarity and public service that make it a challenge to fight and make it difficult to hear a disposal plan in full.

In contemporary society, a project of reclaiming the company would fall mainly or only in and around the business class solidarity built from companies no longer meets the needs of workers and employees. Because they do not live the same type of exclusion and rnarginalisation, they carry suction citizenship in the world of work, and aspirational out of it, in the space of the city . [...]

What State?

[...] At the illusion of a policy change from the top left downwards from Matignon and the House will oppose the logic of conquest from bottom to top, from the municipalities and regions, and from the struggles in enterprises and youth.

But because the "democratic" state is crossed by deep contradictions inherent in its nature and is subject to a serious crisis, we do not forbid to be holders of alternative proposals. [...] That is to say, we seek to identify and distinguish the activities covered by the modern state contradictorily, that the social movement struggle, fight or should we believe that this is the trace institutional and social struggles. [...]

This new anti-social statism leads us to:

- Defend the notion of public service, we oppose the development of business logic, and privatization;

- Move towards an alternative project utility of social utility.

We can not be satisfied with a defensive approach and conservative. Opposition in the state, the state federation is to defend a different view: public services fully oriented logic of social utility, equality, and environmental protection. Utilities self, working closely with survivors and users, emerged from the States Trust, reorganized around two poles: the regions and Europe, and have sufficient means to escape the constraints of the market.
Libertarian Alternative

Related Link: http://alternativelibertaire.org/spip.php?article4937
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