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(en) France, Alternative Libertair #219 - After the elections: change will not take place (fr) [machine translation]

Date Sun, 07 Oct 2012 14:06:01 +0200

In the wake of the victory of François Hollande May 6, the Socialist Party obtained an absolute majority in the National Assembly on 17 June 2012. Thirty years after the election of François Mitterrand, the "alternation" does not raise or joy or enthusiasm except perhaps relief following the departure of Nicolas Sarkozy. There will be no state of grace for the new government. ---- After the elections, the French social context is always marked by the economic crisis, and logically, the elections are felt. In political terms, we can emerge from this election cycle highlights three. ---- The first is that the PS became the official manager of the crisis and austerity, taking the witness of the UMP. Its mission is to implement measures to war against the employees. The PS is a bureaucracy system manager alternative to the UMP, and is hardly distinguishable from the latter.

Its frames are from the same class, have gone through the same schools. They are characterized by the same submission not to say the same blissful reverence for the "laws of the market." Their only difference is perhaps their report whose National Front drag UMP voters openly. For the propertied classes, the PS will probably be a better manager of the crisis: the Socialists were removed from the business for ten years. This allowed them to be forgotten. In addition, they have good contacts within the main trade unions (CFDT, CGT, FSU), which gives them more leeway to implement unpopular measures.

The second striking phenomenon of this election cycle is the emergence of a reformist pole in the true sense of the term: The Left Front (FDG).

Over the last twenty years, in most European countries, we have seen the emergence of neo-reformist formations. They come from merging parties previously Stalinist, Trotskyist or Maoist with the left wing of the old social democratic parties converted to liberalism (PS, SPD, Labour). These parties are not in favor of state socialism but capitalism or amended the state plays the role of regulator and alter the distribution of wealth of a few percentage points of GDP between capital and labor. In any case, the objective is to eliminate capitalism or change the relations of production. Neo-reformists are often based on the myth of return to the Golden Age of Trentes glorious. In Europe, these parties experienced varied and sometimes come to collect a good electoral results whether in Germany, the UK, Greece and the Netherlands.

Progress fronts

In France, after unsuccessful attempts collective unit illiberal (CUAL) and the NPA to unify the "left of the left", the FDG holding this role.

With the application Mélenchon, FDG is able to unify this movement in the polls. FDG has become a center of neo-reformist electoral scale whose scores are honorable, even if the goal of exceeding the FN is not reached.

For us, the emergence of this cluster is not salvation. Indeed amend its draft capitalism is not desirable for us because we do not want a better capitalism but another company nor feasible, since it is unlikely that the ruling classes to leave. Finally, the emergence of FDG seems more conducive to maintaining illusions to be a force for change.

The third striking phenomenon of this election is the sustainability of the influence of FN in French politics. With a score higher than the 2002 presidential election, and the election of two members, the FN definitely progressing. Its demonization of business is a success. FN became the structuring element of the right in France. In 2002, his high score can win Chirac. In 2007, it is the voice of siphoning FN Nicolas Sarkozy won the presidential election. In 2012, he tried the same operation, which was not enough to ensure him the victory. What is even more disturbing is that the electorate of the UMP is not disturbed by the speech almost FN leaders. We meet in the first round with about 45% of the votes to which candidates are overtly racist. FN strategy of pushing the UMP to the split and then join forces with the right-wing fringe is no longer the case outlandish. Freezing the salaries of civil servants Progress Front, but mostly safe and racist ideas, progress is symptomatic of a new mode of social control of the poor and a method to divide the wage (between local workers and immigrants, between CDI and precarious). Do not misunderstand the rhetoric of social justice for "real French". It represents a mortal danger and must be fought as such. As we have already indicated, the major recent years the economic crisis is the last realization is the explosion of debt. This coupled with the adoption of the Treaty of European MY rigor said, will lead to the establishment of ever-increasing austerity measures that affect the priority classes. After Greece, the next dominoes are Italy and Spain, respectively third and fourth largest economy in the euro area. Similarly, France, caught between sluggish growth and deficit reduction obligations will not be spared. Socialists betray their already meager promises as shown in the royal boost the minimum wage: 0.6% (Le Monde, 26 June 2012), while the purchasing power decrease of 1.4% in 2012. Similarly, the announcement of the wage freeze for civil servants is ready, according to Le Monde.

It is already clear that austerity will hit us hard. We are caught between the hammer of fiscal discipline and the anvil of the threats of degradation of the sovereign rating. There is no alternative in terms of the system. The solution is to get out. For this, one possibility: a revolution that puts up a real direct democracy and the pooling of means of production.

To achieve this, it is not enough to affirm incantatory manner. This perspective must be present in the struggles. If the fights always start simple elements daily, immediate, they must also have a perspective. For us, it is not a return to the welfare state but rather another system without exploitation: libertarian communism. It is this condition that we will be heard and that we can break the wall of silence which currently covers the revolutionary perspectives.

Matthijs (AL Montpellier)
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