This article is from the Irish Anarchist Paper =
Workers Solidarity, No 51 Summer 1997 http://www.geocities.com/Athens/2724/anpubdx.html
Gerry Adams a man you can do business with
The latest meeting between the Confederation of British =
Industry (CBI) and the Sinn Fein leadership took place on =
March 25th. The CBI represents Britain's industrial parasites. =
Following the meeting, Bill Tosh of the Northern Ireland =
section of the CBI had this to say: "It (Sinn Fein) had a =
constructive role to play in economic regeneration." [1] =
Sinn Fein's Mitchell McLoughlin described the meeting as a =
"useful and constructive exchange" and added "Our =
discussions centred on a number of issues including the =
growth challenge, inward investment and unemployment" [2] =
Strange bedfellows for a party of, and which claims to =
represent, the working class. Does this mean that Sinn Fein =
now sees it's function as the attraction of multinational =
investment? Does the radical rhetoric of 'An =
Phoblacht/Republican News' mask a conservative reality? It =
would seem that so far this has nothing to do with the =
political expediency of the peace strategy. Whatever the Sinn =
Fein leadership and the CBI are constructing together it's not =
part of a path which leads to a united socialist Ireland.
United Ireland ?
The shaky alliances formed between Sinn Fein and American =
imperialists, green Tories and religious bigots under the =
banner of pan-nationalist consensus are justified by left-wing =
republicans on the basis that only after the birth of a united =
Ireland could working class solidarity across the sectarian =
divide develop. Why?
It is not as if the Protestant section of the working class =
constitute a privileged labour aristocracy sitting on top of the =
Catholics - material differences between Catholic and =
Protestant workers are marginal. Workers from both sides of =
the bosses' divide have come together around issues of =
common concern on countless occasions in the past; the 1919 =
Belfast engineering strike, the 1932 Belfast Unemployed riots, =
the 1980 half day general strike against cutbacks and =
unemployment, etc. Why should this not happen again in the =
future?
Furthermore there is no reason to suppose that Protestant =
workers subjected to a Catholic capitalist government from =
Dublin will have a sudden 'road to Damascus' style =
conversion to socialism. It is possible that Irish unity (on this =
basis) would only serve to entrench loyalism or even to =
launch a bloody civil war.
But, of course, a united Ireland is not even on the agenda, =
with every single D=E1il party in support of the unionist veto. It =
seems that the pan nationalist consensus includes many who =
aren't even Nationalists. Truth is, the Southern establishment =
wets itself at the thought of having to govern "the six =
counties". =
What will be on the agenda if Adams and Co. finally make it =
to the talks table is a few meaningless reforms - Irish street =
names, a cross border body in charge of tourism and another =
in charge of investment attraction; and, maybe, a devolved =
government with a power sharing agreement: Sunningdale =
MK II.
If peace is delivered Unionist and Nationalist politicians will =
be in competition over where the American or Japanese =
corporation builds its factory. If anything more substantial =
then a few crumbs off the master's table and the exploitation =
we're supposed to be thankful for are to be won, an anti- sectarian working class movement which unites Protestant =
and Catholics must be created. This is a task measured in years =
rather than months but then building with stone always took =
longer than building with sand.
Job Seekers Allowance
The strength of Unionism is testament to nothing more then =
the lack of a political challenge to it. If mainstream Sinn Fein =
had any commitment to the working class then it would not =
address itself exclusively to the concerns of the "nationalist =
community". For instance, one issue of common concern to =
both Protestant and Catholic workers is the Job Seekers =
Allowance (JSA). =
The JSA is the British government's new benefit scheme, in =
effect since October 1996, under which they plan to cut =A3410 =
million from their social security bill within two years. Under =
the JSA, the unemployed must prove that they are looking for =
work or accept a place on a training scheme, or they will lose =
their benefit. Benefit is also now means tested after 6 months =
rather than a year. The JSA is a general tightening of the =
screws aimed at pushing the unemployed into low wage =
employment and thereby reducing workers' wages.
Sinn Fein's contribution to the campaign against it has been a =
two page article in AP/RN and complaints to the Derry Social =
Security Agency over the wording of one of their JSA =
information leaflets! Given that the JSA aims at cheap labour =
and given that sectarian divisions weaken the working class =
and result in lower wages, and finally given that the Sinn Fein =
leadership's new pals include American bosses and the CBI =
whose only interest in Northern Ireland is cheap labour, =
should we be surprised when Sinn Fein do nothing about it?
Terry Dunne =
1 The Guardian, March 26th. Page 9
2 Ibid.
*****************
What's another (Irish) life?
An interesting letter to The (London) Times on April 7th may =
have escaped our readers' attention. Two very senior British =
Army officers suugested that British soldiers are in Ireland to =
shoot Irish people It was written by Generals Murray Naylor =
and David Scott-Barrett of the Scots Guards, the organisers of =
the campaign to free Scots Guards James Fisher and Mark =
Wright, who are serving a sentence for murdering an =
unarmed teenager from Belfast's New Lodge, Peter McBride.
Fisher and Wright "both acted in good faith, in pursuit of an =
operational policy laid down by the government" said the =
generals. "To be condemned to to an interminable period for =
carrying out orders seems to be grossly unfair." Peter McBride was shot in the back.
*****************
Northern Ireland tops list of scrooge bosses
Paddy Logue, a spokesperson for the Derry-based Campaign for =
Decent Wages, has called for renewed efforts to have a =
minimum wage established in Northern Ireland. Speaking at =
the AGM of the Campaign he pointed out that "It is a sad =
reflection of the depressed state of the local economy that the =
figure =A34.29p considered a minimum wage in London, would =
be considered generous by many local workers".
Paddy Logue's comments were reinforced by the publication of =
a report published by the Northern Ireland Anti-Poverty =
Action Network entitled 'All Work and Low Pay: the case for a =
statutory minimum wage in Northern Ireland'. The report =
shows that one in four people in Northern Ireland stand to get =
a pay rise if a minimum wage is introduced. The report also =
shows that in Northern Ireland workers earn on average 20% =
less than their British counterpart even though some basic =
essentials, like electricity, cost more.
Indeed the report suggests that the north is significantly worse =
off than Britain in many respects. For example, 25% of =
Northern Ireland homes have an income of less than =A3125 a =
week compared to just over 20% in England. Weekly earnings =
for men and women are the lowest for any region of the UK.
------------------------------------------------ This article is from the Irish Anarchist Paper =
Workers Solidarity, No 51 Summer 1997
The whole issue and previous issues can be found at http://www.geocities.com/Athens/2724/anpubdx.html
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