(eng) ANTIFA INFO-BULLETIN, Supplement 36

Tom Burghardt (tburghardt@igc.apc.org)
Tue, 7 May 1996 02:56:35 +0200

||| |||
||| A N T I F A |||
||| |||
||| I N F O - B U L L E T I N |||
||| _____ |||
||| |||
||| * News * Analysis * Research * Action * |||
||| |||


|| * -- SUPPLEMENT - * - April 30, 1996 - * - SUPPLEMENT -- * ||


CONTENTS: Supplement 36

1. (ATS) ARM THE SPIRIT: The Emperor's Last Stand --
Fascism In Japan; from JUNGE WELT

Murders: Safan Eid Still In Jail -- New
Evidence Casts Doubt On Police Version. State
Prosecutor Under Suspicion Of Cover-Up

3. (BB) BUCHANAN BRIGADE: Chicano/Latino Rioting
{Rightist Disinformation Campaign}

4. (REUTER) Argentine Church Begs Pardon For "Dirty War"

5. (AP) Spain's Prime Minister Not To Be Summoned In
Basque Death Squad Case

6. (REUTER) Bomb Explodes At Jewish Centre In Canada

7. (AP) City Hall Blast Probed For Links To Other

8. (SF) STORMFRONT: Announcing The Turner Diaries Web


Date: Sat, 27 Apr 96 11:53:01 -0700
From: Arm The Spirit <ats@etext.org>
Subject: The Extreme Right In Japan


The Emperor's Last Stand - Fascism In Japan

Far-right groups in Japan total more than 100,000 members. At
first glance seemingly on the fringes of society, they guarantee
the continued existence of social conditions, because in Japan
organized crime and fascists work hand in hand. While the former
control the gaming halls, the latter go on propaganda tours.

By Andreas Hippin

A heavy rain beats down upon the bus which is to bring me to
the right-wing extremist boss. In the parking lot of the "King
Start Parlor", a gaming hall or pachinko' where many Japanese
leave behind their hard earned money, loud-speaker cars of the
far-right have been parked for several weeks. Not to protest
against the pachinko for taking away working peoples' time,
money, and understanding: this parking lot in Takatsuki, a bland
city of 300,000 people outside of Osaka, is a stronghold of the

Pachinkos, a sort of predecessor to pinball machiness with
the added chance of winning money, are a massive pastime for the
Japanese. The profits from the more than 18,000 gaming halls,
most of which are controlled by the Japanese mafia, the Yakuza'
("those who stand in the shadows"), account for more than 25% of
all revenues in the Japanese service sector, and in 1994 alone
they brought in 30.4 trillion yen, six times the amount lost in
bank failures.

It's no coincidence that the loud-speaker cars, covered from
top to bottom with slogans, are parked here. The nationwide
alliance of more than 800 far-right groups known as Zen Ai
Kaigi', the "National Association of Patriotic Organizations", is
also known as Yakuza Kaigi'. The Japanese right-wing does not
suffer from financial difficulties, their income mostly gathered
from membership dues. Their convoys alone - transport vehicles,
busses, and loud-speaker cars with mirrored windows - cost
millions. Private usage of these semi-militarized vehicles is
prohibited. The far-right's favorite form of action is the gaisen
katsudoo', now so well known that the phrase has become part of
modern Japanese speech. It stands for a convoy of right-wing
vehicles, blasting messages to the people over loud-speakers.

Takchiko Noguchi from the neighboring city of Hirakata is
taking part in this Sunday morning's action. His organization,
Koodooschinkai' or "Association which Follows the Path of Tenno",
which is dedicated to the holy path of the Japanese imperial
household, has around 60 members and is in good contact with
other groups all across the country - a fact which discounts the
notion that the Japanese right is more fragmented and
insignificant than the left. And of course the group uses the
newest model of untappable mobile telephones, and a fax machine,
thus providing a comprehensive communications structure for all
of Japan. Noguchi sacrifices around 30 Sundays and holidays each
year for the movement. Today the convoy will travel to the
birthplace of the former Finance Minister, social democrat
Masayoshi Takemura, alleged to be responsible for recent bank
crisis. Hitler photos or swastikas, which can be bought for car
decorations in nearly every shop here, aren't part of the decor
in Noguchi's house, which is also the group's headquarters. On
the walls are images of the Emperor, as well as Yukio Mishima,
the writer who killed himself with a sword after addressing the
Japanese armed forces. Of course Noguchi's son is also a member
of the party. His favorite song is the Emperor's hymn Kimigayo',
a fact which makes communication with other 18-year-olds somewhat

Eventually, the entire group assembles at Noguchi's place.
All are wearing uniforms, a blue product of someone's
imagination, decorated with various insignia and ribbons
according to the significance of the wearer. And off they go,
followed by the curious stares of the neighbors. At Ohi Hachiman,
just off of the Meiji highway, the rest of the convoy arrives, a
well-organized alliance of a variety of organizations with names
like Shin Nihon Tenchuusha' ("Steel Helmet"), Nihon Ooka Gijuku'
("Research Association for a Great Japan"), and Kooshintai'
("Revenge for Tenno/Association for Holy Punishment") to name but
a few. All of the groups' names are in some way connected to the
Emperor. The re-establishment of the Emperor's authority is also
the focal point of their programme, in addition to their desire
to re-apply Japan's pre-War Constitution and to cleanse the
education system of Western influences. The most important
aspect, however, especially for the Yakuza, is anti-communism,
making the groups willing storm troopers against trade unions
during labor struggles and allowing for a type of
conflict-resolution which can't be achieved by the police.

Shortly after the end of the Second World War, Japan's
ultra-right reformed itself, thanks to some important allies such
as Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi (1957-60), who had co-signed the
Declaration of War against the United States and Great Britain.
Kishi, while serving time in Sugamo prison for war crimes, met
Yoshio Kodama, who later resigned his post as Justice Minister on
account of his contacts to the far-right and organized crime, and
Ryoichi Sasakawa, godfather of Japan's motor boat sports industry
and advisor to "Reverend" Sun Myung Moon, whose Unification
Church has provided weapons to Japanese right-wingers. As a
fighting force against the left, the Japanese far-right provides
an invaluable service to the Yakuza as well as the corporations.
The police are also present on the highway. But neither are the
cars in the right-wing convoy searched for weapons nor are
people's identity cards checked. The leaders on both sides know
each other well. The topic of right-wing violence is only given a
few lines of mention in annual police reports. The murder of
Tomohiro Kojiro, a reporter for the daily newspaper Asahi
Shinbun', on May 4, 1987 is not even mentioned. And it's not only
communists who think that the police and fascists work together
when it comes to observing and disrupting the activities of the
Communist Party of Japan (CPJ).

The convoy is allowed to drive within a few meters of
Takemura's house in Yookaichin in Shiga prefecture. Except for a
few absurd claims to the effect that Takemura is actually a North
Korean spy, the supposed topic of the rally, the bank crisis, is
not even mentioned. That's because it touches on circles which
the right are allied to. These are more than grateful for the
fact that Takemura offered himself as the lighting rod in the
scandal, thereby keeping the honorable society free from shame.
That's how Murayama's ex-Socialist Party proved its ability to

After a few words with the police, the convoy heads back to
the highway, but not before blasting passers-by with the
Emperor's hymn and creating traffic chaos in the prefectural
capital Otsu.

According to Keiichiro Arai, local boss in Shiga prefecture,
the far-right gives people a place to feel at home, something
which is often lacking in high-performance Japanese society for
those who aren't able to adapt to the increasingly fast-paced
world, those who drop out of school, those who are seen as
somewhat backwards by others. Considering the increasing number
of young people who aren't able to find jobs after finishing
school - not just a problem for Japanese college students -
experts predict that the far-right in Japan will attract more
members in the coming years.

Arai traces the history of Japan's far-right back to the
French Revolution, an intellectual position which one wouldn't
expect from most adherents to his way of thinking. And yet he
views the Japanese right as minzoku-ha', ethnic nationalists, a
fact which would make them natural allies for the German
far-right, if not for the fact that there can only be one chosen
people. The uniqueness of Japanese fascists and their constant
tendency to look inward - in addition to a serious language
barrier - has until now kept Japan's far-right from networking at
the international level or from viewing itself as the vanguard in
Asia of an international movement.

Friends interested in Triple Oppression theory would no
doubt be intrigued with Arai's complaint that Japanese fascists
faced constant discrimination from Germany's National-Socialists.
It's also interesting how Arai feels about the atomic bomb which
was dropped on Hiroshima, stating that something could only have
been inflicted upon "yellow" people, not "white" Germans.

Both Arai and Noguchi reject actions by German neo-fascists,
such as attacks on homes inhabited by non-Germans. And yet they
stress the need to deal with foreigner crime in certain
neighborhoods, such as Kabeki in Tokyo or in southern Osaka.
Violence cannot be ruled out, they say, especially on the part of
the Japanese residents in these districts - we know this
"argument" all too well - since they no longer feel safe on their
own streets. A paranoid obsession with excess numbers of
foreigners, considering that only 300,000 illegal immigrants live
in this nation of 120 million people. But constant media reports
of increasing rates of "foreigner crime", which, as in Germany,
usually mean little more than violating residency laws, seems to
give support to the far-right.

During the entire trip, the convoy encountered no anger or
counter-demonstrations from passers-by or other drivers. At a
time when Japan is seeking to re-examine its place in the world,
regionalist and isolationist tendencies are gaining influence,
thereby giving more strength to the right.

In any case, the busses and cars of the far-right would be
easy targets for any serious opponents.

(Translated by Arm The Spirit from Junge Welt, April 6/7, 1996)

++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++
++++ if you agree copy these lines to your sig ++++
++++ see http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm ++++

Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist collective based
in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide variety of
material, including political prisoners, national liberation
struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, the fight
against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our writings,
research, and translation materials in our magazine and bulletins
called Arm The Spirit. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats@etext.org
WWW: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats
FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit


** Topic: germany update 3/96 **
** Written 9:33 PM Apr 27, 1996 by
MISCHA@VLBERLIN.comlink.apc.org in cdp:gen.racism **

News Update March/April 1996



The case against Safwan Eid, the Lebanese refugee accused of
starting the fire in a refugee hostal in L|beck which claimed the
lives of ten people is starting to look like a complete
fabrication following revelations in the press and on television
which contradict the official version of events. In addition it
has also been revealed that L|beck police have been making
extensive use of legally dubious methods of information gathering
during their investigations, including secret taping of
conversations during prison visits.

The 28th March issue of the "Stern" news magazine reported that
three of the four young men originally arrested on the night of
the fire, but subsequently released, had all suffered minor burns
to their hair, eyebrows and eyelashes prior to arrest. This fact
was noted by a police medical officer at the time of their
arrest. These original suspects were later released following a
statement by a police officer that they had been seen at a petrol
station 15 kilometres from the scene of the crime only 20 minutes
before the reported outbreak of the fire. However, according the
"Stern", refugee groups have since pointed out that the petrol
station in question is actually only 5 kilometres away from the
hostal - a distance easily covered in 20 minutes.

According to L|beck State Prosecutor Klaus-Dieter Schultz, the
burns to the hair of the original suspects is "a fact we have
known for a long time" and in itself no reason to place the four
under suspicion (!). In an interview with the "Junge Welt"
newspaper Mr Schultz also claimed to have passed this information
on to the press and public at large on a number of previous
occasions. This claim is emphatically contradicted by the
newspaper in an article published in the March 29th issue, in
which it is stated that "There was never any mention of these
traces of burns to the heads of the young men in any of the
official statements of the investigating authorities" and that
the matter has only become public knowledge since the publication
of the 28th March issue of the "Stern" magazine.

State Prosecutor Schultz is also quoted as saying that there is
an "explanation" for the burns to the hair of the 3 men, although
he declined to say what it was. The 3 are also reported as having
connections to the local racist right, with one of them, referred
to in newspaper reports as Mike W., reported as being a "skinhead
also known as `Little Adolf' by his friends". The group was
originally arrested in the immediate vicinity of the burning
house. At the time they claimed that their presence in the area
was purely coincidental.

In a statement from March 28th a spokesperson for the refugee aid
organisation "Pro Asyl" also expressed grave doubts concerning
the course of the investigations. Spokesperson Heiko Kauffmann
is quoted as saying that it would be "politically fatal" if the
growing impression that investigations were being carried out in
one direction only were to prove true. According to Mr Kauffmann,
"states based on the rule of law also differentiate themselves
from dictatorships by the way in which legal investigations are
conducted transparently and potentially explosive information
made public". Mr Kauffmann said that he had "justifiable doubts"
that this was the case in the L|beck investigations.

A TV documentary report from the well-known "Monitor" news
programme shown on April 18th also transmitted footage taken
inside the ruins of the burnt-out hostal. The film, shot in the
presence of Mr. Ernst Achilles, an expert in the field of fire
origin analysis formerly with the Frankfurt fire department,
contradicts further aspects of the version of events put out by
the L|beck authorities. Both L|beck State Prosecutor and the
Schleswig-Holstein State Bureau of Investigation
(Landeskriminalamt) declined the offer to witness the filming
which was carried out at the request of Safwan Eid's defence
lawyer, Ms Gabriele Heinecke.

Whereas the official version of the start of the blaze claims
that the fire originated on the first floor of the building, the
footage by the "Monitor" team quotes Mr Achilles as saying that
the fire "clearly started in the entrance area on the ground
floor". This fact alone should mean that Safwan Eid can no longer
be considered as prime suspect.

The programme also brought to light the fact that the police are
no longer able to produce their central piece of evidence to
support their first-floor outbreak theory: an allegedly badly
scorched piece of chipboard. This crucial piece of evidence is
now said by the police to have "disappeared".

In addition, the investigating authorites have so far been ruling
out an arson attack from outside the house on the grounds that it
was in their opinion impossible to gain access to the interior of
the house from the outside. However the "Monitor" programme also
demonstrated that one of the windows to the wooden front porch
area of the building was open at the time of the fire. Statements
to this effect by hostal residents have so far been steadfastly
ignored by the investigating authorites. State Prosecutor Schultz
both refused to speak to the "Monitor" team and was unavailable
for comment in the days following the programme.

Meanwhile, the 21-year old Lebanese refugee Safwan Eid is still
being held in jail some three months after the fire. Whilst in
jail he has also been subject to oppressive and irregular police
methods in the form of the secret taping of his conversations
with his visitors. Although the prison and police authorities
claim to be acting within the law, legal experts have sharply
criticized the action as undermining the prisoner's right to
silence and refer to a 1987 court ruling forbidding the use of
undercover agents in prison cells to gain information from other
prisoners. The authorities in L|beck have attempted to justify
the action - which is reported to have produced no information of
any value to the prosecution - by citing the "recognizable
reservations" of the hostal residents towards the police,
reservations which therefore had to be overcome by other means.

However, to say that the hostal residents have "reservations"
regarding their treatment by the investigating authorities is
probably the understatement of the year. On a demonstration which
took place in L|beck on March 23rd, refugee and hostal resident
representatives denounced their treatment by the police and
complained that instead of being treated as victims, they, and
refugees in general (and Safwan Eid in particular) are being
criminalized by the authorities. Many of the residents of the
L|beck hostal are still being held in army barracks at the time
of writing. Speakers from antiracist groups on the 1000-strong
demonstration are quoted as saying that the "L|beck Model",
whereby arson victims are accused of starting fires either
deliberately or through negligence already has actually been
frequently used as an explanation in refugee hostal fires
throughout Germany over recent years.

Refugee and antiracist groups also report their attempts at
publicizing the situation in L|beck and organizing solidarity for
Safwan Eid have been hampered by the uncooperative attitude of
the police and prison authorities. Thus for example organizers of
a rally on April 9th in front of the prison where Safwan Eid is
being held, along with a number of other refugees awaiting
deportation, were told that they would not be allowed to use
megaphones and other loudspeaker equipment, on the grounds that
the prisoners were "very receptive to (political) slogans" and
"prepared for violence". Rally organizers from the L|beck
Coalition Against Racism called the statement "pure racism".