(eng) ANTIFA INFO-BULLETIN, Supplement 38

Tom Burghardt (tburghardt@igc.apc.org)
Mon, 6 May 1996 18:21:12 +0200

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|| * -- SUPPLEMENT - * -- May 04, 1996 -- * - SUPPLEMENT -- * ||


CONTENTS: Supplement 38


Bari Bombing

2. (K-RN) Investigator's Don't Yet Know Who Is Burning
Black Southern Churches, Or Why

Kurdish Woman Beaten By Turkish Police; Bremen
Senator Attacks A.I.; Most Refugees Must Leave,
Says Interior Minister

Update -- Occupation As Usual

5. (SPPP) ST. PAUL PIONEER PRESS: Internet Free-Speech
Advocates Debate Rights Of On-Line Racists

6. (AP) Black Woman On White Block Told To Move -- Or

7. (AP) Rights Activists Blast U.S. Support Of Israel


** Written 3:23 PM May 3, 1996 by nattyreb@ix.netcom.com in
cdp:misc.activism. **


Copyright 1996 by Mumia Abu-Jamal

COINTELPRO, FBI-speak for their notorious Counter Intelligence
Program, was officially stopped and its operations disbanded in
1975 when the congressional Church Committee hearings uncovered
numerous governmental violations of citizen's civil rights and
violations of law.

As we shall see, congressional promises were mere smokescreens
covering continuing efforts by the FBI to, in the words of the
late Bureau Director, J. Edgar Hoover, "expose, disrupt,
misdirect, discredit and otherwise neutralize" U.S. activists and
social change agents.

COINTELPRO was the government program specifically designed to
utilize disinformation, illegal surveillance, intimidation and
violence against political opponents with the specific intent to
destabilize and destroy opposition. Former Panther Deputy Field
Marshal Dhoruba bin Wahad of New York spent two decades in state
dungeons as the result of that program, a fate that still beinds
L.A.'s former Minister of Defense, Geronimo ji Jaga (Pratt).
American Indian Movement warrior Leonard Peltier, who was framed
on murder charges as was Geronimo, goes into his second decade in
prison as a direct result of this program.

Judi Bari, a mother, author and environmentalist, found out the
hard way how "her" government really works. On May 24, 1990,
Judi and fellow activist Darryl Cherney were sitting in her car
when a bomb exploded under her seat. The blast nearly killed
Bari, while Darryl escaped with relatively minor injuries.

Within minutes, FBI agents appeared, and hit the 2 with a slew of

Within hours, the nation's press dutifully parroted the charges
thus slurring the environmental, Earth First! movement.
Predictably, the dropping of all charges, some 8 weeks later,
merited little or no news coverage.

Bari filed a civil suit against FBI agents, seeking damages and
judgement against the agency, and to uncover a chilling reality:
that the FBI planted the bomb in a sinister assassination attempt
to wipe out key activists in a growing environmentalist movement.

The case, Bari vs. Held (for Richard Held, former Special Agent-
in-Charge of the San Francisco office at the time of the bombing)
has revealed the FBI's political spying of the movement, and more
importantly, the shady activities of the FBI "Bomb School," a
series of classes where agents were trained in car bombings,
using pipe bombs! These occurred several weeks before Bari and
Cherney were bombed. Among those who just happened to show up
moments after Bari's car was blasted were "students" of the
FBI- "Bomb School."

Consider the bombing of MOVE's Communications Minister, Ramona
Africa, and other MOVE folk 5 years before the Bari bombing.

MOVE is strictly environmentalist, and opposes all impositions on
nature by man's corporate, industrial greed.

In both instances, the federal and regional governments waged war
against those who oppose the creeping corporationism, the
profitism, of today.

Clearly, the FBI, history teaches us, is a political police
force, which, like its South African counterpart, BOSS (Bureau of
State Security) has a political mission: to protect the *status
quo*, no matter how inequitable, by whatever means, no matter how

COINTELPRO rolls on.

For info:
Redwood Summer Justice Project
P.O. Box 14720
Santa Rosa, CA 95402
Phone/Fax: (707) 528-9043


From: Tad Cook <tad@ssc.com>
Subject: Church Arsons
Date: Thu, 2 May 1996 00:17:30 -0700 (PDT)


Investigators don't yet know who is burning black Southern
churches, or why

By Mary Otto

Knight-Ridder Newspapers


EFFINGHAM, S.C. -- The smell of smoke was still rank in the air
on Sunday morning, but the women and men of Effingham Baptist
Church, wearing their gorgeous hats and pressed suits, came

In the long, unlit room behind the pulpit, the only place not
ravaged by the Friday night fire, they prayed and sang loud, and
banged the tambourine in the close darkness. They praised Jesus.

If the arsonists meant to banish these worshippers, or their God,
from this place, they failed, declared Troy Shaw, the pastor.

"God is still in the building!" he cried. "Can't you feel God

"Yes!" the people shouted, "Yes!"

Yet all of them are devastated by the damage done here to their
cherished church, over a century old. And the attack on Effingham
Baptist is just the latest of more than a score of recent attacks
on small, irreplaceable black churches like Effingham Baptist
that dot quiet rural roads throughout the South.

In all, 23 fires set in the last 16 months are under active
investigation by federal officials: five in South Carolina, five
in Tennessee, five in Louisiana, four in Alabama, two in
Mississippi, one in Georgia and one in Virginia.

Arrests have been made in four of those fires. But investigators
have few answers to the bigger question of whether the fires are
part of a larger conspiracy of hate or some more elusive kind of

Many of the burned churches have been thought of as shared
heirlooms, built by hand and consecrated by freed slaves, farmers
and tradespeople, ancestors of entire small communities.

"You have a building that represents hopes, dreams and beliefs,"
said Earl Woodham, a spokesman for the regional office of the
Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms, in Charlotte, N.C. "It's
just a lonely little building sitting there. If you burn that
building, you create the maximum amount of pain."

What adds to the pain, of course, is the burden of history. The
fires summon up nightmares of decades of terrorism against
blacks, culminating in the 1960s, when burnings and bombings of
churches were common.

Officers from the ATF, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, state
and local police and county sheriffs are working together,
seeking patterns, signs of stress in communities, economic and
cultural clues. They are searching for the larger picture of
these fires, if there is one.

But little is clear right now about these new fires except the
anguish they cause.

The ATF's tall, reserved division chief, Mark Logan, went down to
Effingham on Saturday to see the latest destruction. To Shaw,
Logan said, "We have to pray."

Logan, a former supervisor of the ATF's Unabomber Task Force, has
investigated all kinds of disaster and mayhem.

"I've seen what fires can do," he said. Yet never in his long
career, he said, has he had to investigate this many devastated

About a half-hour's drive down the two-lane road running south
from Effingham, past fields and swaybacked tobacco barns and farm
houses sphinxlike with their low awnings, there is the town of

There, two men, one said to have been carrying a Ku Klux Klan
membership card, have been charged with burning two rural
churches last June. They are also accused of beating and stabbing
a retarded black man on another day that month.

Among all the fires under investigation, the fires near Manning
are exceptional, said Angie Lowry, of Klanwatch, the
investigative arm of the Southern Poverty Law Center, based in
Montgomery, Ala. They are, she said, "the first ... on our list
that can be linked to white supremacists."

Klanwatch is now tracking 31 cases of arson against black
Southern churches committed since 1989. Lowry's organization says
the fires could possibly represent "an organized, racially
motivated effort to intimidate blacks."

But Woodham, the ATF spokesman, approaches the link with caution.

"We cannot ... discount this regional hate conspiracy theory," he
said. But, he said, there is no evidence yet that the arsonists
are "centralized and organized."

Manning is down in the Low Country, a place of swamps and rivers,
where Spanish moss hangs ghostly in the trees.

The two churches were burned down after a couple of Klan rallies
in the area. One of the churches, Macedonia Baptist, had had a
Klan poster tacked to its door a few weeks before it burned.

The poster warned the Ku Klux Klan "is watching," said Jesse I.
Young, a member of the church and a sergeant in the Clarendon
County sheriff's department. It was marked, he said quietly,
"with the crossed bones and skull."

The two suspects, both tall, gangly white construction workers in
their early 20s, await trial in prison.

The Macedonia Baptist pastor, Jonathan Mouzon, pities the
suspects, just young guys, younger than his own son. He said they
couldn't have possibly known the preciousness of the things they
are accused of destroying.

And as the fires continue throughout the South, the thirst for
justice gets sharper. The suspects will feel this at their trial,
Mouzon predicted.

"Their lives will be ruined."

Sitting in his spartan office on the edge of town, Chief Deputy
Joseph Floyd thinks of those fires. "We couldn't speculate on
motive. But this is a belief," Floyd said. "I believe the efforts
of those two people was to intentionally create discord between
black and white races in this county."

He turned to Sgt. Young. "Do you concur with that, Jesse?"

Young agreed. Maybe some people weren't happy to see the races
living together in peace. "They had been getting along too well."

Floyd is white and Young is black. Young has been in the
department 15 years. He can remember the days when one might have
called this a typical Southern good-old-boy's sheriff's
department, when he himself did not feel comfortable here, and
some of the people of the black community would not have trusted
this place enough to report a crime, or offer help in solving

But officials here made these arrests with the help of people of
both races.

"I got phone calls night and day," said Young. And now that a
brand-new brick church rises where the old Macedonia church
burned, neighbors black and white call him if a car so much as
slows down near the place at night.

The church burnings were mentioned Saturday at a rally on the
courthouse steps in the town of Laurens, S.C., northwest of
Columbia. So were the recent cross burnings, held 20 miles away.
But the church and civil rights leaders who spoke on that hot
morning reserved their rage for the Redneck Shop, opened around
the corner a few months ago, and selling Ku Klux Klan memorabilia
and shirts reading, "The KKK is getting bigger. Ain't you glad
you're not a nigger?"

One of the leaders of the protest, the Rev. David Kennedy,
insists he won't rest until the shop is closed down. "It's going
to be a long, hot summer," he predicted. The night before the
rally, a bonfire was held at his New Beginning Missionary Baptist
Church. Confederate flags bought at the Redneck Shop were burned.

Kennedy claims the shop serves as a recruiting station for the

John Howard, the shop owner and a self-professed Klan member,
sitting calmly in the gloom behind his showcase of Klan crosses,
does not deny this. He only asked, "Is it against the law to
recruit for the Ku Klux Klan?"

Howard said he himself forswears violence and stayed with the
Klan only for the "rituals." He said he knew nothing about the
suspects in the church burnings. Howard sees himself as a victim.
Of people like Kennedy, the angry preacher, and the people who
call up and threaten him. Of the enraged white man who drove his
van through the shop soon after it opened. Of the young black men
who have reportedly threatened to burn his shop down.

The tattooed Klansman insisted, however, "I don't need any
protection. I got God on my side."

Meanwhile, an hour and a half south in Barnwell, S.C., a town
situated amid tobacco and cotton fields, closed mills and open
mills, on the edge of the U.S. Atomic Energy Commission's
Savannah River Plant, the pain over a recent spate of church
burnings is too fresh and confusing to easily define.

On one April night, fires gutted a black church and lightly
damaged two white churches, all on a lonely seven-mile stretch of
road outside town.

The Klan marched through here a couple of years ago, but
sheriff's department officials say they are not aware of any
recent activity in Barnwell County. In fact, a spokesman for
Sheriff Joey Zorn firmly refused to discuss the fires in the
light of hate crime.

"We have two white churches and one black church. Is that a hate

He said the reason the black church burned was because "the fire
started quicker."

But some people aren't so sure. Some figure maybe the arsonists
planned it that way.

Or maybe, some suggest, God stepped in to stop at least some of
the destruction.

So far, the unlit two-lane road, running out of Barnwell and
through the quiet fields and dark pines, has kept its secrets.

At one of the white churches, the yellow brick Mount Olivet
Baptist, a few dozen members of the congregation sat down the
other night for their first fellowship dinner since the flames
licked their new steel doors.

Over fried chicken and deviled eggs and an eight-layer cake,
tasting more delectable than usual, they spoke in hushed tones of
the way it might have been if they had lost this place, built by
their great-great-grandparents, planters on this land, buried on
this land.

"We're the most blessed people in the world," said the pastor,
the Rev. Joseph E. Abstance, resting his hands on the table as
the dishes were cleared away.

"The Lord stood in front of our church last Saturday night with a
flaming sword," he said. And the Lord faced the arsonists and
said, "You're not coming in here."

But why didn't the Lord also save the another lonesome old
church, Rosemary Baptist, just as well-loved, just four miles
down the road?

The pastor bowed his head. "I can't answer that."

At Rosemary, Deacon Tony Allen stood outside the gutted church,
contemplating the charred hymnals, the blackened pulpit and the
three burned chairs of the church elders.

He was baptized with water from the pump in the church yard. The
graves of his ancestors and the other church founders, freed
slaves and tenant farmers, lay around him.

A mockingbird chortled in a tree.

Who would have done this? Why? Allen wondered.

"Maybe he has something against God," he said. He paused to
ponder that, the enormity of it. "Maybe."

(c) 1996, Knight-Ridder Newspapers. Distributed by
Knight-Ridder/Tribune Information Services.

AP-DATAPORT-NY-05-01-96 1923EDT


** Topic: germany update 3/96 **
** Written 9:33 PM Apr 27, 1996 by
MISCHA@VLBERLIN.comlink.apc.org in cdp:gen.racism **

News Update March/April 1996



A Kurdish woman deported to Turkey in late November 1995 was
subjected to threats and beatings by the Turkish police,
according to a report by the Lower Saxony Refugee Council based
on findings of the Human Rights Association in the Turkish town
of Adana.

The woman, named as Mrs Medine Cur, is reported as having made
the following statement: "I and my 3 children, the oldest is 4,
were arrested by uniformed police at Yesilkvy airport. We were
then held for two days by the airport police, during which time I
was repeatedly asked about my husband. I waas threatened, that we
could not escape from them, wherever we went".

On January 3rd, 1996 Mrs Cur was once again arrested by police in
Bingvl Province. At the police station she again interrogated and
asked about her husband's whereabouts: "When I answered that he
is in Germany, they hit me and swore at me. They said they would
kill me and throw my body on a rubbish dump."

According to eyewitness reports, Mrs Cur's deportation from
Germany also took place in an extremely brutal fashion. Police
are said to have entered her house in the town of Rodenburg at
six in the morning and ordered her to pack her things within 5
minutes. Her children were dragged out of bed and the entire
family - with the exception of Mrs Cur's husband - Abdulhakim
Cur, who managed to jump out of a window and escape - were then
transported to Hannover airport. Mr Cur is alleged to be a member
of the PKK and is quoted as saying that "I would rather die than
let myself be deported".



Bremen's Senator for Internal Affairs, Ralf Borttscheller (CDU)
has sharply criticized the human rights organisation Amnesty
International. Senator Borttscheller accused the organisation of
letting itself be "instrumentalized by left wing extremist
groups", and said that AI was "in danger of ruining its

The senator's attacks against Amnesty relate to a letter
published by the organisation in February, criticizing the fact
that two members of the Bremen Antiracist Bureau (ARAB) were to
be charged with "Volksverhetzung". The charge of
"Volksverhetzung" is usually reserved for xenophobic or racist
crimes, and can loosely be translated as "incitement to racial
hatred". The two members of the Bureau were arrested whilst
distributing a broshure entitled "Police officers who make you
sick". The title of the pamphlet referred to the Bremen police's
practice of giving emetic drugs to immigrants suspected of
dealing in drugs in order to make them sick so that their stomach
contents could be examined.

Although the case against the two antiracist activists was
dropped in February, the authorities had a subsequent change of
mind and reopened it in March.

Senator Borttscheller described as a "scandal" the declared
intention of Amnesty's London-based General Secretary to treat
the two men as "prisoners of conscience" should they be found
guilty by a German court. The senator is quoted as saying
"Amnesty International's London headquarters should be aware that
the Federal Republic is based on the rule of law".



A conference of federal and state Interior Ministers from March
29th took further steps to curtail the rights of refugees to
residence in Germany. According to the "hardship case" ruling for
long-running asylum cases decided on by the conference, refugee
families with children will only be allowed to remain in Germany
if they entered the country before 1st July 1990, or 1987 for
single refugees without dependants. Permission to stay in Germany
will however also be conditional on the refugees' "integration