ANTIFA INFO-BULLETIN, Supplement 16

Tom Burghardt (tburghardt@igc.apc.org)
Thu, 14 Mar 1996 20:01:20 +0100


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|| * -- SUPPLEMENT - * - March 13, 1996 - * - SUPPLEMENT -- * ||
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Periodically, AFIB will post updates on topical events of
interest to subscribers. Unlike the regular weekly
bulletin, supplements will provide coverage of breaking
events and alternative views not found in the "mainstream"
media.

*****

CONTENTS: Supplement 16

1. (CAQ) Militarizing The Mexico - US Border, {Part 2
of 3}
2. (IRIS) Irish Republican Information Service #142,
{excerpts}
3. (JORNADA) Women Demonstrate In Chiapas
4. (BARIN) Berlin Antiracist Information Network: News
Update, February 1996 {excerpts}
5. (AYUDA) March And Rally To Defend Immigrant Rights!
6. (CRLP) Emergency Contraception Hotline
7. (ALERT) Vote No On <Rec.Music.White-Power>!

*****

** Topic: Militarizing Mexico-US Border **
** Written 12:30 PM Mar 5, 1996 by caq in cdp:covertaction **

MILITARIZING THE MEXICO-US BORDER
by Jose Palafox

FROM SAN DIEGO TO THE RIO GRANDE VALLEY, US SOLDIERS ARE ON DUTY.
FIRST IT WAS THE "WAR ON DRUGS," NOW THEY HAVE AN ADDITIONAL
MISSION, BLOCKING MEXICO'S EMIGRANTS.

HIGH-TECH ON THE BORDER

But the operational integration of the US military with civilian
law enforcement agencies is only one face of an increasingly
militarized frontier. As University of Texas-El Paso border
researcher Timothy Dunn noted, militarization also includes law
enforcement's increasing reliance on military technology,
equipment, and strategies. *17 Nowhere has that process advanced
further than on the Mexican border. The Pentagon has turned over
to the Border Patrol and other federal, state, and local law
enforcement agencies much of the excess equipment used during
and after the Vietnam War, including Blackhawk helicopters, heat
sensors, night vision telescopes and electronic intrusion
detection devices. The DoD valued such military technology
transfers at $260 million in 1995. *18

The Border Patrol has also acquired new stadium-style kleig
lights and computerized fingerprinting equipment (IDENT) for use
by the hundreds of new agents deployed as part of intensive
anti-immigrant programs such as Operation Hold-the-Line (formerly
called Operation Blockade) in El Paso and Operation Gatekeeper in
San Diego.

Now, thanks to a joint effort by the Justice and Treasury
Departments and the Office of National Drug Control Policy, the
Border Patrol also has its own high-tech Border Research and
Technology Center near San Diego. There scientists develop new
border control techniques and technologies, as well as refining
and adapting existing ones. Last year, for example, the center
began testing a photo-ID system developed by Hughes Aircraft
Company. According to Robert Bach, executive associate
commissioner of the INS, The technology came out of the CIA and
the Department of Defense. They used it and it was made available
to the INS. *19

But Pentagon and even CIA involvement in the border campaigns
extends beyond equipment. Both the soldiers and the spies are
working within an integrated intelligence network, originally
planned for the Drug War but now also turning some of its
resources to stopping undocumented immigrants.

THE SPOOKS OF EL PASO

The centerpiece of coordinated border intelligence operations is
the El Paso Intelligence Center (EPIC, like JTF-6, based at Biggs
Army Airfield). Managed by the DEA, EPIC's primary mission is to
provide tactical intelligence to 15 federal agencies, including
all the usual suspects. It employs some 300 people, including
Defense Department personnel, FBI agents, and other federal law
enforcers seconded to the DEA. *20 In addition to human talent
generally linguists, analysts, and translators JTF-6 supports
EPIC by providing raw intelligence gathered by the Defense
Department worldwide, analysis, and organizational instruction.

But as the clearinghouse for drug intelligence, EPIC by no means
relies on the Pentagon alone. In addition to the fruits of
military intelligence-gathering, FBI investigative files,
Treasury Department Financial Crimes Enforcement Center (FinCEN)
reports, CIA and NSA drug-related intelligence, and reports from
state and local law enforcement agencies all flow into its
databases. In conjunction with the FBI, the DEA has also created
a master database, NADDIS-X.21 All told, EPIC has access to a
stunning array of financial, political, and criminal intelligence
on both foreign nationals and US citizens.

EPIC has become the model for a burgeoning drug intelligence
complex, including the National Drug Intelligence Center (NDIC),
with an unknown number of personnel, the CIA's Counternarcotic
Center, and the Defense Intelligence Agency's Counterdrug
Intelligence Center, both with around 200 employees. Additional
drug intelligence units are scattered among regional task forces
and at the Army's Southern Command in Panama, and within
Treasury, Justice, and Customs.22

Even before the official announcement of the Pentagon's
immigration mission, the drug intelligence network showed
distinct signs of mission creep. EPIC, JTF-6, and Operation
Alliance have all staked out positions on controlling the flow of
immigrants, and EPIC has for several years maintained files on
groups that smuggle undocumented immigrants. *23

Similarly, in 1993, drug war policy-makers turned to a Defense
Department research institution, the Sandia National Laboratory
at Kirkland Air Force Base in Albuquerque, New Mexico, for advice
on border enforcement strategies. Chosen for its expertise in
physical security, the Sandia lab's recommendations included the
construction of a triple-layer fence along the border. *24 The
INS has also consulted with the Pentagon's Center for
Low-Intensity Conflict in drawing up deployment plans for Border
Patrol agents along the border and for advice on how best to
enhance immigration enforcement efforts with surveillance
equipment. *25

Such cooperation between the military and federal civilian law
enforcement is part of a broader effort by the US government to
create a coordinated border enforcement apparatus. In its latest
effort, the Clinton administration last October moved to
centralize all border policy in the office of a Border Czar.

THE BORDER CZAR

Federal officials have long complained that rivalries and turf
wars among border enforcement agencies hampered their ability to
crack down on drug trafficking and illegal immigration. INS
Commissioner Doris Meissner explained, You have four states, and
a series of federal agencies. We need to look at the border as
one entity. *26

Responding to such concerns, Attorney General Janet Reno last
October announced the appointment of San Diego US Attorney Alan
Bersin as the first Special Representative for Southwest Border
Issues, or Border Czar. His office will coordinate multi-agency
projects, such as using the FBI to target immigrant smuggling as
organized crime, and reorganizing Customs Service and INS
inspections. Bersin will report directly to Reno, and he will
serve as her representative in discussions with the Mexican
government on drugs, immigration, and other bilateral border
issues.

Bersin has already moved on one important front. His office is
coordinating a federal, state and local drug crackdown in
Imperial County, California, that, if successful, could become a
prototype for counterdrug efforts elsewhere along the border.
This operation, the Valley Project, involves 17 different
agencies including the Army, California National Guard, and the
Naval Criminal Investigative Service, and will have its own
intelligence command center (similar to the DEA's EPIC). *27

But the Valley Project could also become a prototype for trouble.
The project follows stepped-up efforts to block illegal entries
further west near San Diego. Accordingly, says border researcher
Dunn, would-be border-crossers will be forced into the middle of
a major drug enforcement operation. The Border Patrol is quite
consciously pushing them to remote, difficult terrain where
antidrug efforts are concentrated and they're willing to use a
higher level of coercion, observes Dunn. This is very
dangerous; this is where they [the Border Patrol] could make
deadly mistakes. 28

Bersin will also represent the attorney general in discussions
with the Mexican government on immigration, drug control, and
other binational issues. *29 There is plenty to discuss. Mexican
officials are caught between the need to placate their primary
trading partner and largest creditor and the need to at least pay
lip service to Mexicans' well-founded complaints about
ill-treatment at the hands of US border enforcement officials.
*30

In one instance where Mexico's economic crunch tipped the scales
in favor of US priorities, last February Mexican officials agreed
to expand Grupo Beta (Mexico's border police unit in Tijuana) to
include Nogales and Matamoros. The announcement came a week
before the two countries reached final agreement on the $20
billion US bailout of the Mexican economy. *31 Hat in hand,
Mexican President Zedillo dutifully expressed his commitment to
greater collaboration with the US government on immigration
issues. *32

While Grupo Beta is barred by Mexican law from enforcing US
border laws its original purpose was to protect emigrants from
criminal activity the Mexican government is under strong pressure
to use it to discourage emigration. In an indication that the
pressure is working, Grupo Beta units have recently been used to
prevent massed groups from rushing US ports of entry. *33

Aside from international diplomacy, bureaucratic wrangling, and
whipping up public support, Border Czar Bersin must also deal
with the fallout from increasingly stringent border enforcement.
As federal prosecutors target undocumented immigrants, the
nation's already overcrowded local jails and federal prisons
cannot absorb the flow of immigrant detainees. Here, too, the
military has a role to play.

{end Part 2}

*****

** Topic: Irish Republican Info Svc #142 3/11/96 **
** Written 2:35 PM Mar 11, 1996 by nyt@blythe.org in
cdp:reg.ireland.ne **
From: NY Transfer News Collective <nyt@blythe.org>
Subject: Irish Republican Info Svc #142 3/11/96

=========== Posted to multiple newsgroups and lists ===========
===== Redistribute *only* with full header and signature! =====

Via NY Transfer News Collective * All the News that Doesn't Fit

Irish Republican Information Service
Teach Daithi O Conaill, 223 Parnell Street, Dublin 1
Phone: +353-1-872 9747; FAX: 872 9757
From: saoirse@iol.ie (saoirse-irish freedom)
Date: March 11, 1996

JUNE 10 MEETINGS WILL NOT DELIVER PEACE WITH JUSTICE

AT a meeting of Comhairle Uladh (Ulster Executive) of Republican
Sinn Fein in Monaghan on Sunday, March 10, delegates felt that
the process of talks scheduled for June 10 cannot deliver a
lasting peace in Ireland with justice and freedom.

The statement went on to say: "Efforts on all sides are directed
towards an attempted solution within the Six-County statelet
which the unionists will dominate and as such will fail.

"Ireland is a nation; the British government has no right here
and must leave; only the whole people of Ireland acting as a unit
can decide our country's future."

Eire Nua policy documents, the meeting decided, will be sent to
all political interests in Ulster in the near future with a view
to discussions.

-----

BIN-BOMB IN LONDON

A BOMB, planted in a litter-bin, exploded in London early on
March 9. The small device exploded without warning outside a
cemetery in Old Brompton Road, Fulham, just yards away from a
British Ministry of Defence building. No group has claimed
responsibility.

-----

UVF, UDA LINKED TO NEW LOYALIST DEATH SQUAD

LEADERS of the UVF and UFF/UDA British-backed death squads were
reported to be behind the new loyalist group which emerged at the
weekend to announce that it intends to execute members of the
Provisionals' military and political organisations.

According to the Belfast newspaper, the Andersonstown News (March
9), a loyalist source contacted them and said that the new group,
which has not yet been named, was orchestrated by the existing
loyalist death squads to put pressure on the Provisionals while
maintaining the impression of sticking to their own ceasefire.
The group issued a statement and sent a photograph of an armed
and hooded man to a Sunday newspaper, the Sunday Life.

The loyalist source went on to say that while the new death squad
may just be a flag of convenience for the Combined Loyalist
Military Command, its threats should be taken seriously. "The
main aim of all this is to get across the message that the
previously solid ceasefire is starting to come apart at the
seams, but that the UDP and PUP [the political front
organisations for the UDA and the UVF] are doing their best to
hold it together . . . it's common knowledge on the ground in
loyalist areas that no new group actually exists".

-----

MI5 AND CANARY WHARF BOMB

MI5 advised Scotland Yard that the February 9 Canary Wharf bomb
warnings were probably a hoax, according to reports on March 6.
Having spoken to MI5 officers, Scotland Yard responded by sending
only four officers to clear the area. The Provisionals used
recognised code-words and gave an hour-and-20 minutes warning.
Despite this the London police admit that they failed to clear
the streets, and allowed some people to pass through cordons
around the area. Police officers in Scotland Yard are believed to
be angry that MI5 misled then into a false sense of security.

-----

INLA MAN KILLED IN DONEGAL

JOHN Fennell, from west Belfast, was found dead in a caravan park
in Bundoran, Co Donegal on Tuesday, March 5. He was found lying
outside a caravan on the site. He had been badly beaten about the
head and there was considerable damage to the caravan and blood
stains were also found there. The park is usually unoccupied at
this time of the year and is used mainly during the holiday
season.

Fennell is believed to have been killed as part of a feud within
the INLA. A guard of honour flanked his coffin at his home in
Belfast.

On March 11 a man was charged with the murder of INLA leader Gino
Gallagher in January.

-----

Please circulate the information in IRIS and credit us if
reprinting. We welcome your comments and ideas.

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** End of text from cdp:reg.ireland.ne **

*****

** Topic: Women demonstrate in Chiapas, Mexico **
** Written 9:24 PM Mar 10, 1996 by fga@maple.sover.net in
cdp:misc.activism. **

"La Jornada", March 9, 1996

The protest against the white guards and the military presence
dominated the march. In the capital, thousands of marchers
voiced protests against the high cost of living, democracy, equal
rights, and the cases of Aguas Blancas, and Tabasco, while
President Zedillo presented the National Women's Program
1995-2000.

Herman Bellinghausen, San Cristo'bal de las Casas, Chiapas, March
8, 1996

The Women's march through the streets of San Cristo'bal de Las
Casas was strong and soft; it was the most peaceful and orderly
march Jovel (ancient name of San Cristo'bal) has seen in theses
troubled years. Or am I exagerating? No "Coleto" (native of
San Cristo'bal) shop keeper saw the need to close up shop, no one
was painting graffitti on the walls, nor did any of the masked
women who walked along Insurgentes street looked as if she were
about to eat up the children.

Quite the contrary, many of the masked women were breast feeding
babies. Not all of them were masked, nor were they all barefoot,
but they were all Indian, and Zapatista.

It was, above all a march against military occupation. It was
one of the banner's, the cricatures', the cardboard signs', and
the speeches' leit-motivs. And also a march against
discrimination.

Those were the dominating themes of the first public
demonstration, as such, of the newly created Zapatista Front for
National Liberation.

Significantly, a women's mobilization.

The women arrived

Along all the roads that come down from the Highlands, groups of
women dawned in the morning upon Jovel. The cool and humid early
morning leads them to the San Juan Chamula crossroad, and from
there to the Pan American Highway crossroad. Only from the
Highlands, three thousand women eventually come together. In
contrast with the women from the jungle, and from the north,
their faces are not covered, instead, they hold a white flower in
their hands.

They chant slogans, "long live" and "Death to" slogans, and they
walk.

The women from the north join them, wearing less ethnic clothing,
dressed more like peasants, they look stronger, and they wear ski
masks. In their banners, they are the ones who speak the most
about white guards. Those who come from the many corners of the
Jungle, of Palenque, La Realidad, and the canions in between,
gather together in front of the San Diego church, at the other
end of the Pan American Highway.

Both contingents meet at the corner of Insurgentes where the bus
terminal is located.