FOCUS ON ITALY
(May 94)
Today Italian political institutions swirl around the
emmerging concept of 'nuovo' or 'newness'. In reality,
behind the smokescreen of propaganda, we find a process
which aims at replacing a political class not up to the
demands of the Europe of the coming milenium.
The political changes which are emmerging from this
period are, in Italy, symptomatic of a crisis at the heart of
the ruling class which has been knocked off course by a
concomitant series of circumstances: the impossibility of
continuing to hold power against a background of
corruption and public debt, the emergance of new
groupings capable of bringing together the various
dissatified groupings, the non-existance of a new
generation which would have rubber stamped the formal
substitution of the old political class which has now been
left behind, the new international situation, following the
fall of the Berlin Wall, which has brought to the fore
once again the strategic importance of Italy for its
American ally.
These changes came rapidly to a head after the
legislative elections of 1992 followed by the administrative
elections of 93 which saw, in practical terms, the
elimination of the old forces of political government,
forced into a rapid change of physionomy, name and
politics and the ditching of the former political elite in
order to render themselves more politically acceptable to
the electorate on the 27th March.
The most obvious phenomenon of this change, from a
political point of view, was the notable emmergence of
the Lega Nord (Northern League) as a federal expression
of various regional leagues (Lombardy, Venice, Piedmont
etc.) which obtained a high degree of success by leaning
on existing discontent born of the conflict with central
power coming from Rome and expressing itself in the
slogan, 'Roma ladrona, la lega non perdona' (The league
will not forgive the Roman thief - bit more catchy in the
original Italian you will agree Trans.)
The League's political programme brings forth new
elements compared with past political programmes which
have always had a centralist approach to state power.
Firstly, state organisation on a federal basis is proposed
leaving the northern regions with power over the central
and southern regions, the old power bases of the ruling
political bureaucracy.
The strength of the League is essentially grounded on
the lower-middle and middle classes of the north who
want to escape heavy taxation - due essentially to the
national debt - and the movement of public expenditure
towards southern regions which do not and cannot enjoy
for historical, political and geographic reasons the
developmental advantages of the north.
To the benefit of this breakthrough by the Northern
League, brought about at the expense of the principal
historic parties, there appeared a process of clarification
and denunciation at the initiative of a group of milanese
magistrates who led, for a year and a half, a campaign
against the old political class, abandoned by its US ally
which had heretofore upheld it as an
anticommunist/soviet umbrella.
Those most representative of this group (Craxi,
Andreotti, Forlani, De Michelis, Gava etc.) were
completely eliminated from the political scene and killed
off by corruption scandals, acts of theft and criminal
activities (Mafia, Camorra etc.) Such accusations had
been set forth for years by anarchists and other elements
of the radical left with no effect.
The fate of the Communist Party was a little different. It
stormily split into two groupings, the one moderate
(Democratic Left) taking the majority and keeping to the
opportunism of the past, the other radical-stalinist (Party
of Communist Refoundation) a minority representing the
internal stalinists of the former party which drew to itself
other marxist groupings including the trotskyists. These
parties survived the juridical onslaught despite their
having compromised themselves with local power in the
'red' areas and despite their important participation with
central power during the period of 'historic compromise'
of Eurocommunism when it defended the state from
attacks by the revolutionary left. A position that could
not have lasted without the advantages of financial
irregularities. Today these parties present themselves as a
barrier against the defeatism of the League and it is not
by chance that they enjoy a high degree of support from
the bosses class in the industrial groupings and elements
within progressive catholicism.
About two months ago a new grouping appeared, Forza
Italia, led by Silvio Berlusconi, a member of the masonic
group known for its mafia intrigues and for its call for a
reorganisation of the state along authoritarian lines.
Berlusconi (one of the richest men in Italy) was successful
thanks to the support of the old political class (notably
Craxi, former leader of the socialists) who allowed him an
open field in editing TV broadcasts (He owns three TV
stations, a newspaper, various periodicals, financial
companies and other economic interests).
This new force puts itself forward as bridge between the
League and the Fascist Party (the MSI now the National
Alliance) in the South in order to create a right wing
alternative of a Peronist style to the left coalition or
progressive alliance (Social Democrats, Greens, various
Catholic groups, Socialists) and in the centre the residue
of the former political establishment: the Christain
Democrats including the new Popular Party and the
Italian Pact...
Given its need for experienced politicians the Forza Italia
has not hesitated to seek allies from the old political scene
such as Casini, Mastella, Piro - leaders who had seen
better days or less scrupulous opprtunists like the radical
Pannella.
In reality all the political programmes are very similar
with regard to the economic situation: whereas the left
and the centre insist on maintaining a minimum of social
ownership and the right represents the law of the market
and economic liberalism as the solution to all evils, the
League represents the real populism that couls throw a
spanner in the works. One must remember that the last
government, that of the former govenor of the Bank of
Italy, Ciampi, in his attack on workers in both the
private and public sectors had the support of the PDS,
the League, the centre, the socialists (with Berlusconi's
support). Beyond the propaganda the old formula pillage
public resources for private interest and pass private debt on to
the State is the tune being sung by most competitors for
power.
THE UNIONS
During the election period, the biggest unions were in a
hurry to sign agreements with the bosses which would
freeze wages. This was the case in the biggest companies
(FIAT, Olivetti, Montedison, Pirelli etc.) Such
agreements penalised workers and created a climate of
confidence among the middle classes and the enlightened
middle classes of the left notably within the PDS.
A consequence was a drawing together of the
establishment unions and these groupings, aided by the
Cooperative League (of popular origin) which today
represents a colossal economic body. This is seen as a
good thing by those bosses who want a docile trade
union but capable of controlling the class struggle. Never
mind the workers...
Other components of the world of work, small but
grassroot (such as the USI, CUB, CIB, COBAS, SLA
etc.) express their opposition and continue to mobilise
and build a veritable syndicalist alternative opposed to
traditional unions like the CGIL, CISL and the UIL.
From this viewpoint we can discern the inability of the
League to conquer one corner of the world of work. The
League's union (SAL) created with this in mind is of no
significance.
Other elements of the right have ignored the problem.
For example the Forza Italia have leant on traditional
fascist unions like CISNAL who shows itself incapable of
organising workers other than fascists.
This lack of a mass base may prove the achilles heel of
the Right Alliance despite everything the left has done to
hand it victory on a plate.
THE 21ST CONGRESS OF THE ITALIAN
ANARCHIST FEDERATION
The 21st congress of the FAI took place in the historic
town of Milan. A congress which has survived - not by
chance - whilst the political situation of the Italian state is
more than ever at an historic turning-point, with the
return of a more muscular right supported by the local
middle-classes fired up with an anti-mediterranean racism
and a weakened left today reunited with its extreme
incapable of maintaining the popular support on which
its influence was based. From all of this we can conclude
that only anarchists have social propositions which can
hope to bring about a revolutionnary change in society.
It is in these conditions and after exhaustive analysis that
our comrades discussed the social investments which
anarchists - federated or otherwise - need to make (the
congress was open to all groups who wish to work with
the federation). Thus the question of the communes
which the Italian Anarchist Movement commonly refer
to as 'libertarian municipalism' was discussed at length as
it is a question of choosing strategies with goals chosen by
anarchists which can complement those which have been
adopted by comrades working in syndicalist terrains.
With regard to the world of work, it was correctly re
stated that the struggles must be pursued outside of the
establishment union framework, as has always been the
case in Italy in particular in the grass roots on the shop
floor.
Finally it was re stated that since anarchists have no
country there is a need for global organisation and
development; as a consequence, urgent calls were made
for the strengthening of the International Relations
Committee of the FAI and support for the activities of
the IFA (International Anarchist Federation).
SECRETARIAT OF THE INTERNATIONAL
SECTION OF THE FAI
Translated from Le Monde Libertaire 18th May 94