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(en) Argentina, Society of Resistance Various Crafts of Capital SROV [F.O.R.A.]: MILITARY STRIKE OF 1930: REPRESSION AND GROWTH OF THE UNION BUREAUCRACY (ca, it) [machine translation]
Sat, 3 Nov 2018 09:09:41 +0200
Juan D. Perón celebrating the rise of General Uriburu
The military coup of 1930 begins a cycle in Argentine history of alternation between
military governments and fraudulent elections that were changing the economic and social
structure of the country, and of course the labor movement was not alien to these changes.
The years prior to the coup were of great unemployment for the people, since the crisis of
1929 started in the United States had reached these shores. The same was already seen
coming, between the denunciations of the means of the "senility" of Irigoyen and those of
corruption of the radicals. On September 6, 1930 under Uriburu began the "conservative
restoration", the first thing he did was to make the warning to thunder the revolutionary
organizations and their militants.
His first actions were the publication of the military side whose recipients were the
unions, the revolutionary organizations and all those who disagree and act against their
arbitrariness. The anarchist and communist workers were the most persecuted.
The military side published, said:
"Any individual who is caught infraganti crime, against the safety and property of the
inhabitants, or that violates public services and security, will be passed by arms without
any form of process."
Throughout the '30s, there were many abuses committed against workers and organizations
not fearful or respectful of the regime, both during the dictatorship and during democracy
managed by the conservatives. On September 9, in Rosario, the anarchist and militant
forist Joaquín Penina was arrested and shot, disappeared for more than 40 years, becoming
the first disappeared detainee in Argentine history. The imprisonment of militants and
workers at the Ushuaia prison, the deportations to foreigners and the executions and
forced disappearances were happening. The anarchists Scarfó and Di Giovanni were shot,
there was the forced disappearance of Rosigna, Malvicini, Vázquez Paredes and the murder
of the maritime worker Morán.
The trade unions attached to the FORA were illegal and subjected to unlawful association
processes, such as the cases of Union Chauffers, (in which three militants were sentenced
to death, a sentence later commuted to life imprisonment), bakers, car washers ,
Ladrilleros and the so-called "Bragado process" where one hundred anarchists were arrested
throughout the country and for which three workers were sentenced to prison.
The unions during the dictatorship
During the 1930s there was a gradual consolidation of the unions that had a better
relationship with the State than other workers' organizations. However, and despite the
preference of the leaders to channel claims through state administrative channels, the
idea of independence of workers' organizations of political parties and the State remained
strong among workers. Almost immediately after the coup, the Argentine Workers
Confederation (COA) and the Union Union of Argentina (USA) united, giving shape to the
General Confederation of Labor (CGT). The repressive nature of the dictatorship made many
unions adopt a defensive position against it to avoid the repression suffered by the FORA,
although from now on, they did not possess the same revolutionary character. In his first
statement, the day of his birth, he declared his "neutrality" and said:
"The General Confederation of Labor of the Argentine Republic (...) considers it its duty
to satisfy its character as an autonomous organization of the working class, independent
of any political party or ideological grouping, and therefore, dispensing with the actions
that these lead to cape."
It should be noted that although the FORA was also indifferent to participating in the
internal struggles that took place between the bourgeoisie, this was due to the position
it always held with respect to workers' emancipation and that put it in the sights of the
powerful classes and the Been many years before the coup. Although they had a large number
of unions, the brand new power station was powerless and chose to avoid the frontal
confrontation with the de facto government and raised notes with petitions to the State
about the multiple problems that afflicted the working class, among them unemployment,
inflation, rents , etc.
In spite of this political disregard, the leaders of the CGT at that time, did have the
interest of participating in dependencies of the State to, perhaps, ensure the most
effective resolution of workers' problems without falling into the direct action that
brought them so many problems. . Because of this, they were much more favorable than
before to negotiating with the government and began to carry out administrative claims in
the National Labor Department in a more regular manner.
A sample of the conciliatory attitude that they had before the abuses committed, in this
case against the workers of the FORA condemned to death, was the request elevated to the
Executive Power asking for mercy instead of acting with dignity and pressing to prevent
the condemnation, like years before it had been done by the anarchist workers Sacco and
"The General Confederation of Labor, representative body of the healthy forces of the
country, aware of the work of administrative renewal of the provisional government and
willing to support it as it is in its action of institutional and social justice, on
behalf of the affiliates of the various guilds who compose it, and exercising the right of
petition, appears before VS to request, as an act of clemency, that the death penalty
imposed by the military court on drivers Florindo Ganoso, José Montero and José Santos
Are, be commuted by the penalty that VS determines.
Convinced this Confederation that the provisional government does not keep in force the
martial law but to ensure public tranquility and to enforce the prestige and authority of
the government; even more, understanding that the procedures and sentences have been
adjusted to the military regulations, promotes this management invoking as a single reason
the fact that the convicted do not register a police record ".
Such attitude on the part of the leaders fell very badly among the workers and before the
indignation generated by this appeal, they clarified that the Board "did not hesitate to
dispense with certain principles, no doubt respectable, but that would have prevented
their free development before the dilemma that was presented to him, to save three human
lives. " A sample of the attitude that over the years and with the gradual abandonment of
direct action, was becoming increasingly recurrent to reach today, where these principles
are not present in the ideas of the current trade union bureaucracy , heiress of that of
The organizations repressed and placed in illegality in any way were able to carry out the
actions against the dictatorship that the CGT preferred to avoid. We can cite among them a
campaign of agitation in repudiation of the repressive measures adopted by the de facto
government carried out by the FORA . On October 7, one month after the military coup, the
Local Workers' Federation of Buenos Aires (FOLB) called the first strike against the
dictatorship, and despite the raids and arrests made the previous day by the forces
repressive, the strike was considered total among the workers of the port and the drivers
of taxis, trucks and buses. Two weeks later, the FORAdeclares a general strike of national
projections in protest for the freedom of the prisoners, the freedom of the press, of
strike and of meeting, the cessation of the deportations and the annulment of the martial
law. Convened for the days 21 and 22 of October, it had the support of all the unions of
the FORAof the city and the Buenos Aires suburbs, besides the participation of many
autonomous unions and those related to the communists enrolled in the CUSC. This strike
managed to transcend the metropolitan area getting an important impact in the cities of
Bahía Blanca, Mar del Plata and Santa Fe. These demonstrations showed that all was not
lost as vast sectors of the people were willing to take to the streets to claim their
freedoms , risking their lives to put a brake on the advanced fascist.
The first years of the 30s, marked the history of the country laying the foundations of
successive military dictatorships that attacked the people, until the most terrible in
1976. At the same time began to change economic policy without breaking the dependence on
foreigners that the conservatives themselves had maintained throughout the decades prior
to the coup. As for the workers' movement, the State intensified its mediating role in the
conflicts, giving more and more space to those who were related to it to channel the
protest and set aside its affiliated workers.
An attitude that would then intensify more and more to turn that union bureaucracy into
"the backbone" of the movement that would begin, in the next decade, a member of the
military dictatorship that toured Spain and Italy in the dark years of European fascism;
to become from the '60 and '70 one more agent in the murder and delivery of his own people.
------------------------ About us -------------------------------
The " Society of Resistance Various Crafts of Capital " is an inter-union group, which
brings together workers from different unions with the aim of confronting employer abuses
and generate resistance against this system of exploitation.
We seek that the workers' organization be again a tool of struggle against capitalism and
cease to be an apparatus of class conciliation appendages of the State.
We fight the Argentine union model because it is a tool of the State to favor the bosses
along with the union bureaucracy, entrenched in the power of the unions for years and
accomplice of all the abuses against the working class. These trade unionists negotiate
joint and working conditions behind us, generating a vertical, conformist and
paternalistic culture where we are accustomed to receiving solutions passively, managing
to channel the anger by demobilizing the workers.
We believe that only through the struggle can we generate a differential force and tilt
the balance towards the side of the working class.
How we organize ourselves
Our form of organization, continuing and reaffirming the practices and principles of the
first worker associations of our country, are:
-The assembly as a space for reflection, debate and decision-making.
-Direct action as a daily practice and means of struggle for the defense of our rights and
the conquest of any proposed objective.
-We join the FORA (Argentine Regional Workers Federation) because federalism , as a
system of horizontal organization, has the potential to project towards other cities,
provinces and countries the egalitarian and anti-authoritarian social relations that we
develop within our Resistance Society. The Federation has the ability to coordinate common
struggles, maintaining the power of decision in the different organizations that make it
up, without leaders or leaders who decide for the majority.
What we want
We intend to build spaces for participation and collective decision-making in the trade
union activity , whether in the form of groups, internal commissions, parallel unions,
etc., betting on the will, commitment, equality and solidarity among the workers.
Although our primary objective is the conquest of immediate union demands, our purpose is
a social change at the root eliminating structures and institutions based on the principle
of authority, such as the State, Capital, patriarchy and the Church.
To build this new society without exploitation, oppression, classes or hierarchies, based
on the emancipatory principles of anarchic communism , we need to recover a horizontal,
federalist, assembly and direct action syndicalism.
For all this, we invite all workers who want to organize against these injustices to
participate and rebuild a combative and revolutionary labor movement.
For social emancipation
Assemblies to decide
Direct action to win
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