A - I n f o s
a multi-lingual news service by, for, and about anarchists
News in all languages
Last 30 posts (Homepage)
archives of old posts
The last 100 posts, according
The First Few Lines of The Last 10 posts in:
First few lines of all posts of last 24 hours
Links to indexes of first few lines of all posts
of past 30 days |
of 2002 |
of 2003 |
of 2004 |
of 2005 |
of 2006 |
of 2007 |
of 2008 |
of 2009 |
of 2010 |
of 2011 |
of 2012 |
of 2013 |
of 2014 |
of 2015 |
of 2016 |
of 2017 |
Syndication Of A-Infos - including
RDF - How to Syndicate A-Infos
Subscribe to the a-infos newsgroups
(en) France, Alternative Libertaire AL #284 - Politics: The state club ... what counterattack? (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]
Sun, 10 Jun 2018 08:09:52 +0300
While the social movement of spring 2018 has not managed to spread, riotous outbreaks
struggle to hide the weakness of the real balance of power. It is all the easier for the
state to suppress the most contentious homes. How to react ? ---- In 2017, the labor law
XXL passed quite easily, as well as the increase of the CSG, embellished with a petty drop
in the personalized housing assistance, and the maxi-gift for the big bourgeoisie that is
the suppression wealth tax. Things were slightly spoiled for the ruling class when two
historically combative sectors, the SNCF and the faculties, returned massively to dance.
At the same time, the government tried to expel the Zad of Notre-Dame-des-Landes with a
delusional police deployment, and the management of Air France is put in difficulty by an
inter-union welded as ever.
Faced with this wave of protest, the counter-attack of the government is based on a mix of
repression (state and parastatal) and misinformation.
Police suit and fachos commandos
The first wave of repression hit faculties with, in March and early April, attacks from
the far right and assimilated militias, the most emblematic of which took place at the law
school of Montpellier on March 22.
The next step was police repression, with a kickoff on April 9 on the Zad of
Notre-Dame-des-Landes. Nearly 2,500 mobile gendarmes bombarded a few hundred zadists with
an absurd number of grenades.
Then it was the repression of the demonstrations - certainly less than during the Labor
law - and the attack of the places of fight and strike. Occupied universities are numerous
to have undergone police interventions: Tolbiac, Toulouse, Montpellier, Grenoble, Lyon,
Strasbourg, Marseille, Nanterre, the EHESS in Paris, etc. CRS were also sent against the
railway workers or postmen on strike.
" Growers " and other " privileged "
This extensive handling of fascist groups and law-enforcement agencies, which often also
have fascistic sympathies, is accompanied by a propagandist offensive against the
strikers. Everything happens there: the " growers " who would be " privileged ", "
corporatist ", who by their egoism ruin the quality of life of " those who want to work or
study ", all supported by more surveys or less bogus to justify these antigrespiste clichés.
Another recurring element: the stigmatization of the ultra-left and " black blocks ". The
demonization of a part of the social movement presented as ultraviolet, must create a
scapegoat. The " casse ", put on show by the rioters to denounce the symbols of
capitalism, is also put on the stage by the media, but for a diametrically opposite
purpose: to eclipse the violence of capitalist society ; to make the protesters and
demonstrators lambda invisible ; appoint a scapegoat who deserves repression.
Replicating this mix of batons and propaganda is necessary, and comes as much from
strategic directions as concrete actions on the ground.
First, we must win the battle of opinion: it is extremely important to address all the
workers who are not directly concerned by a sector of struggle: to dismantle the lies
about " privileges " strikers or manipulations of violence (for example the so-called
attack on Necker Hospital by the head procession on June 14, 2016). Secondly, it is
necessary to highlight the police violence modestly passed over in the media, and to show
it for what it is: the action of brutes paid to smash those who dare raise their voices
against a deeply unjust social order . Filming these abuses with a phone and posting his
video on social networks is a first deterrent.
Thirdly, it is necessary to avoid a chasm of contempt between, on the one hand, " the
citizenry traine-savate " and on the other " the depoliticized breakers ." It is normal
for everyone in a movement not to be in trouble and riotous practices: tactics can
diverge, as well as appreciation of the relevance of an action. It is also normal and
healthy to discuss these tactical differences between revolutionaries. On the one hand,
the most radical should think about the consequences that clashes can have on those who do
not participate, and invent a " black block that blocks something other than the demo ",
as claimed by some after 1 st Parisian May .
On the other hand, we must avoid the trap of dissociation, which often responds to a media
injunction. That is to say, it is necessary to avoid the convictions that reduce the "
breakers " to depoliticized people and out of the movement, taking a citizen posture of "
legitimate peaceful protest ", like the insubordinate France or PCF. This can only
aggravate the isolation and repression of black K-ways, while those who dissociate
publicly disarm in advance by renouncing all radical action.
Defending social movements in their diversity
Fourth, there is what is called active defense, or collective defense. This one proposes
to leave by the top of the sempiternelle opposition " black bloc " vs " pacifist citizen "
". Considering that social movements are diverse, the idea is to try to defend them as a
whole. This involves securing and creating a space of cohesion within the demonstrations
and collective movements that can be directly repressed, with a set of defense practices
aimed at minimizing the impact of police repression. This can include structuring
processions that are difficult for the police to penetrate (reinforced banners, chains)
and limiting the impact of attacks: free distribution of masks, physiological saline and
other first aid products, etc.
Creating such spaces that are not intended to be black blocks, but places to feel safe in
manifestation, raises another relationship to violence, to protect against state violence.
Finally, it is necessary to think this defense in legal terms, to avoid that the
repression is individualized, and to give a political and collective character to the
fight against the judicial repression.
Matt (AL Montpellier)
 More than 50 % of police and military voted FN in 2017 (Le Monde, May 5, 2017), and
the DGSI has identified at least fifty activists of the " far right violent " within the
security services (Mediapart, April 9, 2018).
 " Appeal to the convinced: an anti-authoritarian criticism of the black bloc ", May 4,
2018, Paris- fights.info
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-Infos Information Center