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(en) France, Alternative Libertaire AL Décembre - Fascism: Dark Times (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]

Date Mon, 1 Jan 2018 10:27:13 +0200

Temps obscurs offers a didactic analysis on the major issues of modern fascism, and can even be a valuable tool for any activist concerned with joining the fight against fascism. ---- The work of Matthieu Gallandier and Sébastien Ibo, proposes to return to the modern fascist phenomenon, with a grid of materialistic analysis. It circumscribes this phenomenon more than Arendt does (evoking a " totalitarian " principle, perhaps too broad), and is part of the Marxist tradition of Daniel Guérin, who has managed to link fascism to a socio-economic totality. and determined policy. ---- To read also in the newspaper Alternative Libertaire December 2014, a presentation of the book Daniel Guérin, " Fascism and big capital " ---- The first chapter proposes a history of fascism. ---- Specificity of fascism appear: the first forms fascist policies, which appeared in France at the end of the XIX th century advocate modernization, unlike the traditional right, conservative. Gustave Le Bon, Barrès, Maurras, but also Boulanger, constitute the central figures of this French pre-fascism.

Specifically, the progressive development of Italian fascism and German Nazism after the First World War is described in the context of national socio-political difficulties, and especially during the formation of anti-worker militias. It can be seen then that these fascisms do not develop against capital, but on the contrary that they can first serve its intimate interests. The horror of the concentration and extermination camps, in the context of the " final solution ", as well as the specificity of modern anti-Semitism, are of course envisaged, as well as the tactical and cathartic function of violence. fascist (which eventually becomes part of state violence).

The development of fascism and Nazism, in Italy and Germany, in the 1920s and 30s, is inseparable from a crisis context: these ideologies propose a Keynesian revival policy, and advocate an interclassist alliance. They are primarily aimed at the working classes. Yet fascism in power eventually leads social policies favorable to the bourgeoisie, develops a primary anti-communism, and finally proposes an ultra-nationalist altercapitalism, set around a charismatic and authoritarian leader.

The authors insist that, by definition, this fascism can not be anti-capitalist, because strict anti-capitalism would end up undermining its principle of interclassist national unity (indeed, any coherent anticapitalism ends up developing social struggles against bourgeoisie, and also remains internationalist).

It is also the failure of the traditional bourgeois parties in the face of the crisis that has brought the fascists to power.

The second chapter returns to " the new face of fascism ". It offers a contemporary panorama. The crisis of 2008 contributes to barbarization of the exploitation, and to favor hard austerity policies. The " third way " that constitutes the altercapitalist extreme right finds a certain increase of energy.

Anti-Muslim racism (FN) and radical anti-Semitism (Equality and Reconciliation) define how these extreme rights determine their principle of national unity and interclassist alliance. The book distinguishes the great xenophobic far-right parties (FN) from the small street groups (Ayoub). The latter claim more the fascist heritage. But these two movements can also maintain intimate relationships. It is to this extent that the book considers that fascism remains a current phenomenon.

The book returns to the novelties of these extreme contemporary rights: an Islamophobia become structural. But also the pseudo-defense of the rights of women and homosexuals, used to develop the rejection of Muslims deemed " homophobic " and " masculinist ". In reality, far-right ideology remains fundamentally Petainist, patriarchal and homophobic, but this superficial pinkwashing is only a means of spreading a virulent Islamophobia. Conspiracy, and the development of the Internet, are also data that redraw the contours of these extreme rights.

Finally, the book ends with a panorama of the territories of the extreme right: French far-right localities are analyzed, as well as the regionalist ideology that these currents carry. Then the international and geopolitical question posed by these extreme rights is briefly developed. As a necessary counterpoint, an inventory of the fights against fascism is finally exposed.

It is a pleasant book to read, didactic, without technical vocabulary, which is addressed to any person anxious to understand the great stakes of modern fascism, and of the contemporary extreme right. It focuses on the key points to remember, and can even be a valuable tool for any activist concerned with joining the fight against fascism.

Benoît (AL Montpellier)

Matthieu Gallandier and Sébastien Ibo, Dark Times, Nationalism and Fascism in France and Europe. Acratie editions, 164 pages, 13 euros.

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