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(en) CNT-AIT, Solidaritat Obrera, Analysis of the Catalan conflict directed at anarcho-syndicalists from outside Catalonia. By Genís Ferrero (ca) [machine translation]

Date Tue, 3 Oct 2017 12:45:34 +0300


"If they stretch tots, she caurà ---- i molt of temps not pot to last, ---- safety that ---- falls , tumbles , tumbles , ben corcada gave ja be. ---- If they stretch tots, she caurà ---- i molt of temps not pot to last , it will fall, it will fall, it will fall ---- i will be able to release " ---- Lluís Llach ---- The national conflict in Catalonia has returned. As our esteemed comrade Just Casas said, always eloquent and accurate in his analysis, in one of his talks on the issue "the bear (the Catalan national problem) may not be seen, but is sleeping." The bear has awakened and with firmness and strength. The Catalan bourgeoisie is determined to achieve its objectives, this time the conditions are favorable. ---- There is a transversal movement in Catalonia that welcomes people of different social classes that has given a decisive push to the independence movement for three issues: the crisis of the Spanish State, the economic crisis and the defense of Catalan culture and identity. With the cuts to the last Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia by the Constitutional Court, and the successive offensives against linguistic immersion and self-government of Catalonia of the PP in its previous term have made that much of non-independence Catalanism swelled the ranks of the movement. On the other hand, corruption, the non-existent response of the parliamentary left to the economic crisis and the successive cuts of the welfare state have allowed the Catalan independence movement to create a country project that allows to offer new rules of the game to the citizens that can create a real alternative to the solution. These reasons have made the historical independence in Catalonia from 15% of the population at its best, to be today half the population.

The bourgeoisie has joined forces with this movement, for two main reasons: this movement has overcome all Catalan politics by burying or marginalizing those parties that have maintained the equidistance with the issue (thus, for example, Unió has finally been liquidated for greater interest of Convergence, now PDeCAT, which has ended a partner who resisted for historical reasons but with a social marginal weight, or the PSC obtaining the worst results of its history with a more than predictable new internal crisis about to explode by its attitude hostile to the right to decide and similarity of speech the Spanish right).

The other issue is situated in the current context in which, owing to the atomization of a popular movement that could counterbalance the Catalan bourgeoisie and a virtually non-existent labor movement, they would lack the historical necessity of the repressive forces of the Spanish State Civil, Army ...) to combat such movements, especially now that they have a modern Mossos d'Esquadra body and deployed throughout the territory. On the other hand, the economic context is favorable to its interests: the markets in which the Catalan industry is managed today are basically foreign, which would allow it to do without the Spanish domestic market. Another example is the attitude of international capital, which in the last year has increased its investments in Catalonia,

And this whole movement has finally been articulated around a key issue: the right to decide, or to say already unabashedly in recent times, the right to self-determination. The movement has been able to swing all of its speech around an elementary issue, people must be able to decide their future and therefore vote in a referendum. Whether we like the anarchists or not, we have to assume that for the majority of the population the channeling of their desires and wishes goes through parliamentary democracy, so that beyond our thoughtful analysis the perception of people when they are denied to vote YES or to vote NO, or simply abstain, is perceived in an authoritarian way by the majority of the population. Enter legal technicalities about whether the referendum that is on the table for next Sunday 1-O is legitimate or not, is simply a waste of time. The political refusal of the State to raise the possibility of a referendum is to open the possibility to question one of certain axioms that support the current regime, in this case territorial integrity. To question it may open the door to discussing others such as the agrarian question, the Concordat with the Vatican, the conflict between Capital and Labor or the institution of the Bourbon Monarchy, among others.

The response of the State to the challenge for the right to self-determination in Catalonia has led to a rapid repression escalation, whose speed has surprised a majority while others less attentive have not yet seen it happen. The militarization of the territory with thousands of Civil Guard and National Police personnel, the de facto intervention of the institutions of the Generalitat, the arrest of more than a dozen members of the Government or the intervention in the media or the Internet is already an event unprecedented in Catalonia. The slogan of the State is not to tighten the rope more than necessary, ie not to act a priori against the population trying to simulate a state of law that acts with normality. However, complaints of sedition targeting social organizations, entry into political party premises without a search warrant and material theft (as happened at the headquarters of the CUP in Barcelona), complaints to individuals about web sites, the announcement to act against those who become part of polling stations or volunteers who collaborate with the exercise of the referendum or the interrogations of workers in polling stations is gradually expanding the siege. Another sign that this escalating repression is increasing is the harassment of the comrades of the CNT trade union section of Amarradores of the Port of Barcelona, who have been denouncing the presence of the repressive bodies housed in several bedroom vessels. The signs of solidarity against repression and the rejection of the militarization of the territory take form in caceroladas not to let to sleep to effective people housed in hotels, or with stevedores of Barcelona and Tarragona refusing to supply in the dormitory ships or sounding the sirens at night to disturb sleep. And what may seem like a national conflict ends up mingling with a social conflict.
The involvement of more and more actors in the defense of collective freedoms and civil rights is widening a gap that independence has been reduced in the last weeks, in fact the massive response of the population after the repression has surpassed even the sovereign entities.

The escalation of repression has blown up the rule of law and the division of powers in the face of a majority of the population. Judges under the orders of the prosecution, first instance courts under the orders of the TSJC, decrees ordering the appointment of hundreds of lawyers from office from October 28 to October 1 (in the Judicial Party of Mataró, guard with 2 checkpoints have been placed on watch to more than 20 ex officio lawyers). The state's forecast is an unprecedented repression, since the response of a large part of the population has been to oppose a system that makes it impossible to deal with their claims and the government is in a scenario where there is no other option left than one flight forward, unable to reverse and rethink a dialogue.

Precisely the Government's strategy of judicializing the conflict in the hope that the mobilization will deflate has become a trap for itself. Unable to stop a massive civil disobedience of the population, and not only of the institutions, with the conviction to make possible the referendum (and to which they are being added actors like Podem and its bases that, in another scenario, perhaps they would have abstained of involvement) has dynamited possible bridges of dialogue with its opponents in Catalonia. What has been exploited by the PSOE in supporting a frontal opposition to the referendum of self-determination, but at the same time criticize hard the performance of the PP.

The government has been isolated, only accompanied by the remnants of C's, and the growing concern of European diplomacy is the warning of the fall of the PP government. Yesterday, the whole world saw the United States disengaging itself from the Government of Spain in its opposition to the referendum, leaving the door open to international recognition. The PSOE and some members of the government already speak openly of concessions, greater self-government or federal reform of the Constitution. In any case, the scenario will change: if Catalonia becomes independent the Spanish Constitution will be obsolete and a new one will have to be made, if Catalonia can not become independent (now) there will be constitutional reform to appease the spirit and try to reestablish bridges. In any case the melon is about to open.

Our role here, now.

What is being developed in Catalonia is a liberal revolution, a democratic revolution. The aspirations of a good part of this transversal movement is a better democracy, that responds to the needs of the will of the citizenship and that allows him to express itself in freedom. It is not a social revolution, but it is that not all revolutions are.

The problem of democratic revolutions is that they promise freedom and democracy. But to a certain extent. Since it is a transversal movement, the use of concepts must be broad enough so that everyone can identify with them, so that the conflict between Capital and Work is obviated. Finally, once the new system is established and the status quo of the oligarchy is guaranteed, the limits to these concepts are established, the correlation of forces of those who have participated in the movement will depend to what extent these limits reach. Needless to say, those who remain on the sidelines will have no capacity to influence anything ...

At some point in the subsequent scenario, the national debate will end but not the social question that will require new actors to help organize the working class and channel their aspirations for emancipation. Those who do not survive the coming tsunami will have no role to play.

From anarcho-syndicalism we can not be left out, even if it is not our movement. We have a responsibility to try to influence an open gap by introducing the social question into the debate, so as to remember that the right of self-determination can not be separated from a concept of freedom and democracy that is broader than mere territorial and administrative reform. That there is no self-determination possible without the working class.

Nor should we trivialize the weight that anarcho-syndicalism and anarchism have had in Catalan society, just as it is part of the history of Catalonia. The national grievance must also be remembered that it has been and continues to be the social question. That if there is precisely a vast associative fabric in this country has been thanks to the work of propaganda and association that the first anarchists developed, laying the foundations of much of Catalan popular culture. That the tools proposed for civil disobedience come from anarchism, as Federica Montseny already said in the famous TVE interview in the 1980s, which were also used for the social and cultural achievements of the working class. It is important to keep our story and recompose our own symbols so as not to be swallowed.

For all this, we can not be instrumented, precisely because the movement is not led by the libertarian movement, we should not be the ones who, when the moment arrives, will receive all the repression. We must act with intelligence, seeking alliances with social movements and extending our idea of solidarity and mutual support, being very clear that it is one thing to participate in this massive movement in defense of social liberties and rights and another thing is to finish headlining of Turkish. Let us be cautious and we do not want to run more than those who go before, it is a matter of extending the discourse in our direction so we do not put them on the tray being the ones who receive the sticks.

We have to take advantage of the situation to explain that what now sees a majority, has been happening to a minority since forever. That is why the struggle must also be social, because otherwise tomorrow will continue to happen to those who never have a voice.

We have a tool, let's use it.

We have a tool that channels everything we are talking about: the General Strike. Our Regional Committee of the CNT of Catalonia and the Balearic Islands has summoned us all to join the general strike planned for 3-O.

Far from completing this concealed state of exception 2-O, it is likely to go further because the pretensions of the Government of the Generalitat are to declare the independence of Catalonia 3-O predictably, in case of winning the SI in the referendum .

We must demand the real involvement of the sovereign entities in the general strike, and accept a scenario of generalized social conflict. Preparing this strike will force us to weave new alliances with social movements that can see an opportunity in it to convey its aspirations in a future scenario, and is the best way to make it clear to the bourgeoisie that they will have to manage the new Catalonia with a the social and this time without the support of the Spanish State.

There has been constant appeal to expand the social base in this process of self-determination, with the excuse of ensuring the SI in the referendum. We have to put counterparts to this extension, it can not be a blank check in an aseptic vote inside an urn. So that if they do not get involved they will be in evidence, if we do not mark our speech from now on, we will leave it open for them to be the ones who also lead the discourse of the General Strike. And in case of wanting to betray the working class we must be able to denounce them publicly when the time comes.

That is why it is important that we are in as many places as possible, preaching the social struggle in this process of self-determination to guarantee freedom for all. We must work it from the Committees of Defense of districts and municipalities, from our own positions or from the shared ones.

Overcome the national framework, overthrow the regime of 78.

The problem of all national conflict is that it strengthens both identities in litigation, so that to consolidate Catalonia has rebound effect in Spain also encouraging the fascist movements. From our perspective we must overcome the confrontation between peoples, appealing to the social struggle as the common denominator of the working classes around the world.

However, there is another open front that we must exploit: the possibility of a regime change in the Spanish state. The institutional crisis that Spain is experiencing these days is unprecedented and the situation of the Government is apparently calm but very fragile. The deployments of repressive forces that continue to increase in Catalonia are leaving many regions of Spain with scarce resources.

If you were a military man you would think that it is a good time to open up other fronts on the enemy, but from a social perspective you think that encouraging people everywhere to fight for their social rights, go on strike, empty houses for the homeless, occupied lands without work ... It would be the perfect time for everyone, from their place to lay down the regime of 78. The Stake of Lluís Llach of our days and that is already rotten, and finally make it fall

Companions and companions, the CNT of Catalonia and the Balearic Islands call us to extend the mobilization throughout the State. It is our duty to make it possible.

To the barricades!

http://lasoli.cnt.cat/27/09/2017/opinion-nuevo-lestaca/
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