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(en) France, Alternative Libertaire AL September 2017 - Labor law XXL: First round of a long battle (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]

Date Mon, 11 Sep 2017 09:21:17 +0300


The social re-entry promises to be busy, after a summer when the government has multiplied the announcements of social declines. The mobilization against the ordinances is the strong stake of the month of September, in a context where France rejects attempts to impose its hegemony on the trade union movement. ---- Macron was counting on the state of grace following his election and on the great holidays to pass a series of reforms in force, notably the law labor XXL, in direct continuity of the El Khomri law of 2016. Unfortunately for him, and fortunately for us, the first will not last long. The antisocial reforms of the summer should finish convincing the employees who, without supporting Macron, waited to see what it was going to give. ---- The month of July was thus opened with the simultaneous decline in housing subsidies of 5 euros, including the APL, and the reform of the ISF (wealth tax), which will no longer affect the shares. The measure is symbolic: it is taken directly to the modest categories (6.5 million households of which 800 000 students receive this aid) to water the shareholders.

In August, the government announced a reduction in assisted contracts, from 460,000 in 2016 to 200,000 in 2018. These various partially state-subsidized contracts are precarious, low-paying and are rarely first steps CDI, which serves as a pretext for the government not to make real jobs but to ... eliminate them. These cuts will have disastrous effects for the entire voluntary sector and in the national education. Thus, a few days before the start of the school year, the Prime Minister announces 20,000 suppressions of subsidized contracts out of the 70,000 in schools, colleges and lycées, claiming that SIAs (auxiliary school life for handicapped students) will not be affected .es, which would mean that all other contracts would be deleted.

Finally, the government is maintaining its desire to increase the general social contribution levied on all incomes by 1.7 % and to reduce the unemployment and sickness contributions of private employees. Officials and pensioners (over € 1,840 to two), who do not pay these contributions, will be the first to be impacted. Compensation is envisaged for civil servants but nothing has yet been presented.

Our social protection system

For the employees of the private sector, the calculation is more sneaky and will give a gain at first. The Minister of Public Service, Gérald Darmanin, explains that " social contributions decline by 2.2 points to 1 st January 2018[...]and will drop again to 0.95 points in the fall ." The net salary of an employee at the Smic will thus increase in the end by a little more 20 euros per month. Macron assumes to raise the assets and active against the pensioners, to which he asks to make " an effort ".

If the calculation may seem interesting at first sight, it is necessary to keep in mind that behind it is our whole system of social protection that is implicated. The latter, based on the program of the National Council of Resistance and the balance of power favorable to workers in 1947, is based on labor, and therefore on joint control of employees / employers, and not on taxes, the state. Social security contributions are never more than indirect wages that finance welfare: by lowering welfare, health insurance and unemployment insurance are threatened. And for what gains ? One can bet that the bosses will advance this increase in trompe-l'oeil to refuse increases in the upcoming negotiations.

Macron and his clique continue to affirm that this is only a " lack of pedagogy ": it is the employees who have not understood the reforms. Their anti-social character seems to have been well understood by everyone ! For proof: its rating of popularity collapsed 64 % to 40 % in two months.

But LREM (The Republic on the march) does not have sufficient political frameworks to intoxicate television sets and radios. So they preferred to launch communication shots as firebreaks. Macron in OM T-shirt, Macron submarine officer, Macron tennis player handisport ...

And in parallel, members of LREM distributed a booklet which was at first we thought it was a joke, in which one could find a quiz " What (the) commitment (e) are -tu ? ", The cultural references of convinced macronists such as Jack Kerouac or Aragon, amidst some figures on climate change, all with the stated will not to make politics. In parallel, they continue to advance on the big chunk: the labor law XXL.

The month of August ends with a final round of bilateral meetings around the draft labor law XXL, second part of the 2016 law against which we fought. It is clear that these meetings are primarily used to reach a compromise with certain organizations: at the time of the closure, the ordinances have not yet been made public, and only part of the documents has been shown to the trade unions, the delegations not having the right to leave with.

The draft orders, however, appear to have remained relatively unchanged: the main concern is to question the hierarchy of standards in areas other than working time, such as wages or working conditions. Even the contract of employment would become inferior to the sacrosanct enterprise agreement, thus authorizing the dismissal of an employee refusing to change his contract.

The will to generalize the contract of site, very badly named CDI project since it is in fact an endless CDD, is maintained. Just like the corporate referendum, which will allow employers to bypass any trade union representation to impose company agreements. Staff representation bodies would always be merged, concentrating trade union action among a handful of professional elected officials, but the CHSCT could be maintained, in the form of a commission in companies with more than 300 employees and some industrial sites at risk (Seveso type).

The CFDT, but also FO, which is more unusual, want to be the craftsmen of the compromise on this file, and hope to win in particular on the amount of labor compensation in the event of unfair dismissal. This means that they accept the principle of the capping of these allowances, that is to say that an enterprise will now be able to budget for an illegal dismissal. The CFDT says today that the government will increase by 25 % the amounts announced in June, where it wanted to double the stake. What a success ! Mailly, on his part, procrastinates, declaring thus on August 25: " Everything is not written, there is still a whole series of arbitration[...]. From the moment there was a real consultation, we are waiting for the official presentation of the text. Then we will position ourselves . "

France rejects trade unions

But this day of strike is already parasitized by another mobilization of unbridled France, a national rise in Paris on Saturday 23 September. Rejected France feigns to be a complement to trade union mobilization, but is no longer bent on mentioning it. A deputy from insubordinate France said: " We are the only frontal opposition to Macron. "

On the one hand, the trade union movement, taking stock of the social movements of 2010 and 2016, states that it is necessary to return to enterprises, to better articulate categorial and interprofessional demands, in order to anchor the strike at the risk of falling in a certain corporatism sometimes. On the other, France, which seems to draw no lessons from these social movements, and in particular from the episode Nuit Standing, intends to sweep away existing organizations by mobilizing through large gatherings on squares. It counts as a negligible amount the combat in company since it only reasons in terms of electoral pools for 2022.

This is the first time that a political organization has been paralyzing trade union mobilization and the consequences are still difficult to measure. But it is obviously simpler to demonstrate on Saturdays, without losing a day's pay, without confronting his boss ... except that the balance of power built is not the same, whether in terms of nature or effectiveness .

Reform by prescription is made to strike fast and strong. These will be adopted by the Council of Ministers during the week of 18 September and should be published in the Official Journal immediately afterwards. They will finally come before parliamentarians, no doubt in October.

Obviously it will be hard to mobilize. But let us remember what was the state of mobilization before each social movement that we have known. And above all, the resistance that will be expressed in September will in any case be a measure for the reforms to come.

For they will be numerous. Thus, Macron recalls that " starting in September, there will be an implementation of reflection on a major reform of training and unemployment insurance. And starting in 2018, we will start on the issue of pensions, it will be a somewhat slower process . "The president having in his line of sight the" retreat by points "to the Swedish.

It is therefore necessary to exploit the weeks of re-entry to mobilize in companies around categorical demands and the labor law XXL in order to succeed on September 12 in the unit and quickly demand a new strike date, so as not to put the struggle to the trailer of the political interests of France rejected.

Grégoire Mariman (AL Orléans)

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Loi-travail-XXL-Premier-round-d-une-longue-bataille
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