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(en) Greece, anarkismo.net: Against wars of rulers by Assembly anarchists and immigrants - Antiwar march March 18 Propylaea (gr) [machine translation]

Date Sun, 19 Mar 2017 10:29:38 +0200

We stand in solidarity critically battling rebellious pieces of any Syrian people though is their momentum at that stigmi.Stis still existent self-organized dissident communities and neighborhoods what strikes you have received. To those who daily struggle, refusing to surrender to the criminal regime and the butcher Assad, in imperialist forces and those rulers ravage the tortured Syrian territories nor inch of land. To those who are slaughtered daily for the sake of power and profit. ---- Against wars of rulers ---- Solidarity in rebellious Syrian people ---- Call the Antiwar march of March 18 Propylaea ---- On 18 December 2010, Mohamed Bouazizi, a street vendor set himself on fire in protest confiscation of goods by police Tunisia with the excuse that he did not have permission . This incident constitutes the pivotal moment of the outbreak of mass protests and widespread riots, resulting in the overthrow of the dictatorial regime and the flight of President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali out of the country, about a month later, on January 14, 2011.

In a short time erupt uprisings and civil wars and other North African and Middle East (Egypt, Libya, Bahrain, Syria, Yemen, Algeria, Iran, Iraq, Jordan, Morocco, Oman [1]). Although the slogan of the struggle is common "the People wants to drop the regime [2]" in all regions, practices and movements objectives differ case. The period 2010 - 2012 will be reflected in public discourse as Arab Spring and will summarize each form of reaction to pressure long dictatorial authoritarian constructs, censorship, the poverty and deprivation of basic human rights. However, this process will differ in targeting, the realization and the spearhead of the outbreak colored and varies by region and time, not making it practically a whole.

At the same time, the environment in which it is happening all the above subject to intense social and class conflicts within these countries, fueled by the competition between the Great Powers over aftes.I capitalist restructuring of the States economy strengthens social instability and while deconstructing the power schemes in the social consciousness.

With the abandonment of the French colonialists political power in 1946, the administration of Syria transferred to the national capitalist elite. After various political processes, failed and successful coups in 1963 the power occupied by the Baath party and in November 1970 passed into the hands of dictator Hafez al-Assad. Since then and up to the outbreak of the revolution of 2011, the country is run by the family Assantiki. Building totalitarianism will be supported instrumentally and ostensibly the ideological vehicle of Pan - Arabism and maintaining the Islamic identity of the country as social homogenization means and manipulation. Both the Baath party, and the administration of the country are governed by extreme prosopokentrismo and complete intolerance.

Under dictatorship

Primary goal of the dictator and his regime's cycle was originally reorganization of the economy, which was assigned to the dictates of the capitalist elites of the country, prominent members of which were consistently people of Assad family. From the family tank of Hafez al-Assad was staffed and the military leadership. The warm rhetoric of pan - Arabism advocated regime dictates strained relations with Israel and support Palestine although military operations in this direction are missing. Crowning the hypocrisy of the regime is to prevent Palestinian leftist victory in battle in Lebanon in 1976 and the massacres of Palestinian militants in camps in Lebanon.

The state of war with Israel - which never really developed into such - seems only favored the maintenance of the emergency regime in which Syria was in 1970 and the imposition of martial law. The objective was essentially never an external enemy, but the complete exercise of power inside. The implementation of these measures continued throughout the Assantikis dictatorship until it breaks in practice in 2011 with mass demonstrations throughout the country.

Within the operation of the country under military law, he has for decades the prison routine. The propaganda has been leveling with the press prey on loyalist advice. Large industries passed into the hands of Assantikis family, management and senior positions in the army staffed largely by Allaouites [3] .The economic disparities were enormous and a large proportion of Syrian -mainly in rural areas- lived in absolute poverty and total oppression.

The army suppressed the decades 1970 - 1980 numerous insurrectionary attempts culminating in the massacre of more than 20,000 people in Hama in 1982 and the destruction of most of the ancient city. Detentions, abductions, disappearances, executions, torture and rape have consolidated the dominance of dictatorship and dissolve every thought and hope for change. The most extreme face of power imposed absolute silence.

After the death of Hafez in 2000 and his death - originally intended to take over the reins of the regime - the eldest son, the power passed to the second son Bashaar al-Assad.

O young dictator promoted as more westernized and cosmopolitan. Launched a series of neoliberal economic reforms (privatization etc.) with 60% of national wealth to pass into the hands of Assantikis family. From the outset it rejected the idea of a more western democratic model, as inappropriate for "the democratic way of Syria thought." Despite declarations about a welcome constructive criticism and inclusivity of citizens in the modernization of the country, censorship, propaganda and political persecution continued.

After the communication type reforms of the Syrian state, and under the "changed" profile promoted systematically chunk of repression was entrusted to numerous national secret services [4] and the effect of para-launched both propaganda level and hundreds of political persecution (kidnappings, intercepts, mysterious disappearances, torture, etc.) Also the regime despite the opportunist support in Kurdish movements in Iraq and in Turkey within the Syrian Kurds stripped of any kind of national characteristic and systematically and brutally suppressed.

In a demonstration extroversion attempt, the regime has allowed a very small but catalytic importance of the internet in 2000. The first political content blogs made their appearance. Their main theme was the withdrawal of martial law and the Emergency regime. This stream, which peaked in 2009, was called Damascus Spring. Although slightly radicalized, in fact it has been the source of the first open political debate and the repopulation of a small but important space crammed limited public discourse. Alongside the first movements on the emancipation of women made their appearance as a woman's place was institutional terribly degraded in a series of issues [5]. Kurdish communities participated in the Damascus Spring, founding their own blog and to 2004 attempting a Kurdish Intifada would violently suppressed [6]. They created various organizations for the protection of human rights and support of thousands of political prisoners rotting for years in the dungeons of the neoliberal dictatorship of Bashar Al-Assad.I Damascus Spring quickly suppressed by Assad and turn into deep winter.

Despite adversity, by 2011, social processes within Syria intensified. while the outcome of rebellions that occurred at the same time in other parts of the Arab world have shown that the rulers of each other, despite invulnerable is known thirst for freedom is extremely contagious.

The revolt

The first calls of February 2011 was relatively anemic. Product of thirty political paralysis and fear. They suppressed directly, while most participants were imprisoned. At the same time Kurds and Syrian prisoners began a hunger strike with key demand the fall of the dictatorship. The first neighborhoods that are more intense microbe sociopolitical claims are those where Sunnis live in economically weaker classes and Kurdish minorities. Also in the metropolitan conurbations special role played by social groups with diverse koinonikotaxika characteristics (students, unemployed, youth, economically privileged backgrounds pieces, progressive movements, activists etc.) but with a common element radicalism (or in thinking either way action ) and of course the intense spirit of change in the political process.

In a burst authoritarian arrogance, March 6 arrested and jailed fifteen children dissidents wrote slogans on the walls of the city Daraa. H police response to requests from minors families for their release are: "They forget. Will you deliver more. ". The police response will be massive demonstrations. Daraa, Homs, Damascus.

On March 15 in the city Daraa world descends in a body on the road in response to the call that calls it as "The day of rage" [7 ]. Followed by the city of Damascus on 17 and 18 almost all the inhabitants of Daraa demonstrating in the streets and occupy them. The army takes command to open fire and turning the guns on protesters. Report dead four.

This act in conjunction with the statements of the dictator on troublemakers motivated Aptian foreign intelligence services will be the event horizon on the Syrian issue.

The reaction will spread directly across Syria. The demonstrations held in the capital of the first slogans of liberation of minors and conciliatory demands reform content, will soon be replaced by the request of the fall of the dictatorial regime and oust Assad the country.

The regime repression

The regime under popular pressure, organized a punitive grid, based mainly on three axes. Initially, unleashing extreme propaganda. Protesters emerged from the media and the press from rioters as terrorists, agents of foreign interests and dangerous fundamentalist Islamists. Due to heavy political persecution and silencing each insurrectionary discourse, the counter-structures were absent.

The second axis based on which the Assad regime tried to suppress the uprisings was a cleavage logic within the religious sectarianism. 75% of the Syrian population is Sunni Arabs [8]. A small percentage of 10-12% is Allaouites, Christian Arabs, Orthodox, Oriental Catholics, Armenians, Assyrians, etc. and the remaining 10% is shared by Shiites, Turkmen, Druze, etc. Due to its rich ethnography Syria had shown great tolerance in religious identity in conjunction with a more libertarian faith perception compared to other M. East. Tolerance to other religious beliefs was a structural component of social balance. It is worth noting that until the war religious identity was not a cause of friction.

The scheme was dedicated devoutly to break the rebel people with vehicle religion. They made dozens of coordinated attacks in neighborhoods with common religious identity while the news presented as responsible heterodox groups. The regime fostered fear and wariness between these different groups bombardment false news of the manipulated media. [9] At the same time an important role in the evolution of the revolution played leading members of fundamentalist and Islamist organizations which were released in an amnesty conceded by the Assad regime a few years earlier.

The third pillar was the violent and totalitarian repression of rebel crowd. The army was back on the road following the implementation of martial law and after March 18 most performed massively in every demonstration. The Allaouites soldiers withdrew from the battlefield, following orders of superiors them to safer theseis.Antitheta Sunnis placed strategically in the most degraded areas.

But the refusal of soldiers to their mainly Allaouites- generals to execute citizens, the vast most exegertikotita demonstrators and the coveted, yet so deprived feeling of change in the sociopolitical landscape, leading to mass defection from the army. The Syrian people rebelled.

The Syrian Revolution

The soldiers in possession of their arms fled to safer perioches.I answer was sfodrotati.Oi families of deserters were expelled, imprisoned and interrogated with torture. Snipers and soldiers now performed indiscriminately rebellious.

The people continued to descend en masse on the street and loyalist forces withdrew from the entire perioches.Mazi and the state apparatus. Self-organization as a reflex reaction from below came to fill gaps in structures and services procured every aspect of social life from the feeding and care as the self-organized media counter-information that appeared and gave another impetus to now liberated areas. The vision of the anarchist Omar Aziz [10] for self-organized and antiierarchika pragmatothike local councils in a district of Damascus with Barzeh name. They spread from city to city and adopted by many liberated communities as a form of organization.

But when violence is upgraded to a level similar to a severe military treaty and self-defense now takes the form of armed resistance as the only way of survival, adequate equipment and experience of using it is able to judge the outcome of the war.

As a result of both the weakness of the revolutionary people to organize military and civilian, keeping the libertarian challenge to construct both self-defense and to establish a strong armed resistance front and the other in the absence of strong and organized political structures and groupings (that would be the yeast ) after 30 years of complete political paralysis in the dictatorship and unable to capitalize on the original spirit of emancipation, the brunt of armed resistance has either a religious or a military-style organizations and formations.

The fronts of the war

Much of the military defected and organized into brigades scattered under the name FSA (Free Syrian Army) and taking advantage of the gaps in self-defense of dissidents lines took the custody of some of them. But the mixture of strains is highly eteroklito.Oi ways of each brigade operation covering a wide range of analogue of diversity, which extends from fascist practices and extreme militarism to milder military management methods. It can be seen as a united front and set and in many cases the relationship of the base with the leadership is weak which will play an important role in achieving agreements that get occasionally leaders.

The imperialist forces come into play taking advantage of the extremely unsettled conditions in the country. The US entered the targeted building a relationship of dependency with many dissidents fronts equipping the while eroding without nevertheless enable to provide air cover. Thus feeding into a controlled degree of civil conflict. Strengthen "both-as" even competing fronts together (brigades of the FSA, Kurds, possibly, ISIS) to an extent which constitute the considerable force but are never prevail. Essentially attempt diversion of any real revolutionary apopeiras.Oi many goals and in different directions. Feeding a highly profitable military treaty and the maintenance of the war economy, the attempt to weaken Russia, the creation of a new controllable system, and achieving energy independence of Europe from Russia. Root of all the gain and the integral control.

Saudi Arabia and Qatar reinforce the offshoot Al-Qaeda's Syria at the Al-Nusra. The equipment of the Al-Nusra converts a consistent and considerable military power compared with other Islamist armed organoseis.Ferei strongly Islamist element and the religious totalitarian katichisi.Eno is fundamentalist, military power is also quite influenced by libertarian elements of the Syrian culture Simultaneously indicative of the hardness is the crime of indifference to civilians.

The surprisingly strong resistance in the troupe and its international recognition, the formation of resistance, participation in decisive processes of councils and committees, are among the most active and radical pieces in Rozava.To Kurdish movement because of the long-term action, the central role women on the battlefields of communitarianism and of libertarian imperatives supported by numerous organizations and networks, and sparked a wave of international solidarity.

It did the same with the other self-organized communities in Syria. The solidarity of the West mainly restricted to the track migratory roon.Simantiko role in the attitude of the wider radical and libertarian movement in the Western world played the absence of information especially in the early days of the revolution (because of the absence of counter-resonant structures) in connection with the bombing propaganda of the Assad kathestos.Taftochrona the particular cultural and sociopolitical characteristics that make up the revolutionary condition of Syria and chaotic then landscape fronts of the war made the reading of the Syrian issue in a very difficult problem for strong solvers. Failure of adequate information and analysis essential difficulty of the war in Syria denatured in a substantially inert attitude of the West which is merely a generalization suing and humanitarian type political discourse. The absence of anti-war movement was ichirotati and potentially disastrous for the outcome of the war.

The importance of having a strong anti-war movement is as follows:

Brings the counter-offers and direct transfer of viomatos.Afti will be first-time theoretical and necessary tool of policy analysis and strategy development.

Creates practical solidarity networks vital for the fighting revolutionary subjects both because of the aid in the battlefields and because the necessary fermentation and policy interaction and psychological support.

Finally promotes lobbying west metropolitan cities exactly where that is deemed the outcome of the war.

The existence of a potential anti-war movement is a matter of utmost importance, it realizes international solidarity and is an integral part of imperatives and our policy targeting.

As a first assembly attempt a dual analysis with emphasis on sociopolitical and class features but taking into account the extremely complex and geopolitical implications of the Syrian issue, in order to adequately cover in the first time the wide range of information and our self-education on the subject. It is obvious that our identification with any of the fighting fronts is difficult to adynati.Parolafta we can only recognize the class characteristics of the revolution, the crude while sincerely law sense of social assertion of the right to self-determination and of course the large track shift the bottom to self-organization and social solidarity, concepts perfectly interwoven with anarchy. Keeping always this, the political sign of anarchy and therefore the antikratiko, anticapitalist and antiauthoritarian perspective, avoid falling into the trap of an exclusively geopolitical Cold War and analysis. This would lead to a dangerously incomplete anagnosi.Poso rather conciliator in any ruler.

We stand in solidarity critically battling rebellious pieces of any Syrian people though is their momentum at that stigmi.Stis still existent self-organized dissident communities and neighborhoods what strikes you have received. To those who daily struggle, refusing to surrender to the criminal regime and the butcher Assad, in imperialist forces and those rulers ravage the tortured Syrian territories nor inch of land. To those who are slaughtered daily for the sake of power and profit.

Against any kind of power, away from hegemonic tendencies and practices against would-be saviors.

Beyond borders and religions.

Battling the only law in humanity war. Him against state and capital.

For complete freedom.

For Anarchy.

On Wednesday, March 15, the day designated as the anniversary of the Syrian uprising, invite a rally outside the Ministry of Immigration Policy in Klafthmonos Square at 11:30.

Saturday, March 18, remembrance day for the first casualties of the Syrian uprising in 2011 by the Assad regime, we call on concentration and anti-war march in solidarity with the Syrian people in the Propylaea at 17:00.

Meeting anarchists and immigrants for international solidarity in the rebellious Syrian people

a) Forms
1.Syriaki Revolution-Initiative Anarchist prisoners (pamphlet, 2016)
2.Burning Country (Syrians-In, Revolution and War) - Robin Yassin-Kassab & Leila Al- Shami (2016)
3.The Sect as Homeland-Monzer Al-Sallal (essay, 2014)
4.A discussion paper on Local Councils-Aziz Omar (paper, 2013)
b) Sites
Cnn. com
Northern Syria Observer / facebook
c) Evidence of Syrian immigrants / three and Anarchist comrades
[1] Smaller protests took place in Djibouti, Kuwait, Lebanon and Mauritania.

[2] Ash-sha'b yurīd isqāṭ an-niẓām (Arabic: الشعب يريد إسقاط النظام). With decolonization and the removal of foreign forces from the administration of these areas, the powers assigned to totalitarian regimes.
[3] Religious sect of Islam, with a minority presence in Syria (less than 10% of the population). In this sect belongs the Assad family.
[4] Mukhabarat (مخابرات, muhabarat / mukabarat)
[5] Eg the divorce, the marriage age and the extremely lenient treatment and protecting rapists from judicial exousia.To feminist movement that unfolded had large conglomerate and expelled enormously from Assad with hundreds of women to be found in the regime prisons.
[6] 2,000 Kurds were imprisoned, 36 people were killed by the dictatorial regime (mostly Kurds) and 5 prisoners succumbed to their injuries after vehemently torture
[7] The second in the series called in this way. The first call to this name became 4-5 Fevrouariou.Paroti no one responded to protest the military presence was strong, a sign of the zero tolerance regime on protests.
[8] arbitrarily separated from the Sunni populations in B. Iraq.
[9] "Before laughed with the desperate propaganda the regime spoke for fundamentalist gangs and Islamist Emirata.Ystera the regime created the conditions so that to happen I really ..) Monzer Al-Sallal - The Sect as Homeland
[10] The anarchist Omar Aziz also known as Abu Kamel was born in Damascus. He returned to Syria from exile in Saudi Arabia and the USA, in the early days of the Syrian revolution. Through his writing and acting of promoted local self-government, horizontal organization, cooperation, solidarity and mutual aid as a means by which people cheirafetountan from the tyranny of the state. The example of Barzeh spread throughout Syria, and with him and some of the most promising and enduring examples of non-hierarchical self-organization, which emerged from the Arab Spring countries. The Aziz believed to continue to defeat the revolution, the revolutionary activity needs to permeate all aspects of people's lives. He was a supporter of radical changes in social organization and relations in order to negate the institutions of a system based on domination and repression. The vision of Omar was the dissemination of these practices and believed that the way to achieve was to create local symvoulion.Pethane on the regime prison in 2013 at the age of 63rd years.

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