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(en) Chile, Organized Anarchist Front FAO: Position Document regarding the Plebiscite, constituent process and Constituent Assembly. (de, it, ca, pt)[machine translation]

Date Wed, 21 Oct 2020 09:26:51 +0300

The 'Agreement for Social Peace and the New Constitution' of the Bloc in Power under the conjuncture of the call for a General Strike in the context of the Popular Uprising. ---- Since October 18 in the metropolitan region and since October 19, of last year 2019, in the group of regions throughout the territory dominated by the State of Chile, a Popular Uprising was created in the streets from the rise of $ 30 in Metro transportation in the capital, a situation that caused the "pressure cooker to burst" of injustices, inequalities, inequities, miseries, precariousness and abuses that, since the post-dictatorship, were generated for three decades in the country. This political milestone, which had as its point of rise the secondary student body, grew more and more like an avalanche and adding sectors of workers, settlers, students, unemployed, marginalized, women and sexual dissidents, indigenous people and youth popular; that is, the whole of the class that lives off work, among whom of course the Organized People who have been fighting for decades. This uprising was spreading in the capacity of convocation, massiveness in the streets, combativeness, political deliberation in self-convened assemblies and spread throughout the territory, managing to question the bourgeois social order and the institutional framework that supports it.
It is in this context that the Social Unity Table (CUT, ANEF, CONFUSAM, as well as other union and social sectors) call for a General Strike for Thursday, November 14, 2019, which had a high call, conflictivity and combativeness in the streets, as well as effectiveness in paralyzing the roads to productive work, commerce and services. In this context, with an important part of the territory paralyzed, under a curfew and with a cornered and powerless government, opposition parties (with a part of Frente Amplio) together with the parties of the Officialism and the Government of Sebastián Piñera call an emergency meeting the same day, managing to sign the 'Agreement for Social Peace and the New Constitution'at three in the morning on Friday, November 15, but what implications did this agreement have for the popular movement?
As an Organized Anarchist Front[FAO], we read that said signing was an agreement of the Bloc en el Poder (government and a large part of the parliament) to stop the overflow of the Popular Movement towards the rule of law, the bourgeois social order and the status quo of capitalist-neoliberal society. The agreement for the new constitution was an "escape valve" to evacuate the smoke from the barricades and thereby put out the fire that had unleashed throughout the country; as well as the agreement for peace, was a "blank check" for the generation of new repressive and criminalizing laws of the popular movement and the social fighters in Parliament, one of the bourgeois institutions with less social legitimacy, together with the Government of Piñera and the Armed Forces. and of Order. In the same way, the aforementioned agreement was a "lifeline" launched by a large part of the parliamentary opposition to a government with an approval close to 6% (by far the lowest in the post-dictatorship) whose only response to popular demands was (and es) continue to violate human rights with greater repression, death, mutilation, torture, injury, rape and imprisonment.
But it is also necessary to take charge of the existing shortcomings from the popular movement and, in particular, from the union. In that sense, if the CUT and the Social Unity Board had risked extending the call for a General Strike indefinitely, it is likely that in a couple of days the popular movement would have been able to overthrow the Piñera business government and his entourages , since the effervescence and social conditions of the situation allowed and merited it. This could even have slowed the signing of the agreement and left the balance of forces of the popular movement on a better footing against the Bloc in Power and the entire Dominant Bloc. However, this did not happen and we cannot make political fiction or move forward with wishes and illusions.The truth is that the sectors of the political caste - wrongly called the opposition - preferred to gamble for a political solution from above , an agreement within the bourgeois institution behind the backs of the uprising people, claiming their representativeness and seeking to "separate waters" between peaceful and violent protesters. There is no doubt that history will tell you.
With the above, it is likewise necessary to recognize that, although since 2005 a process of rearmament of the social fabric has been taking place, the revolutionary and anti-capitalist political forces did not foresee a popular uprising on the near horizon nor were we prepared to give it a solution. revolutionary with a unitary program for our exploited and oppressed class. What was most visible (and still) in the streets is a fierce anti-police rage, the departure of Sebastián Piñera and to a lesser extent the historical demands for the establishment of social rights. Although initially the Constituent Assembly was not a central demand of the protests, it must be recognized that it ended up positioning itself, in a large part of the councils and self-convened assemblies, in the streets and even in part of the combative youth of the so-called "front line". In this sense, what can be taken out of the Plebiscite, the constitutional convention and the constituent process, is that it allowed to join discussion criteria and extend the political deliberation of the various territorial, student, union, feminist, socio-environmental and indigenous assemblies. , around overcoming and changing the current political Constitution forged with blood, fire and terror in the Dictatorship and drawn up between four walls behind closed doors. Finally, it should be mentioned that the agreement also generated a massive loss of calls for the Popular Uprising; aided, later, by repression and criminalization with new laws such as the "anti barricades", the "anti looting",
Plebiscite, Constitutional Convention and constituent process.
With such antecedents , can we affirm that the constitutional convention is a legitimate mechanism for the popular movement to advance in the protection and conquest of social rights? Or is it a mechanism agreed upon by the Bloc in Power that lacks legitimacy by not taking into account the self-convened assemblies?
As we outlined, our reading is that the constitutional convention agreed by the Bloque en el Poder, by sectors that assumed our representativeness, behind the backs of the uprising people, is a mechanism that has legality under bourgeois institutions, but lacks social legitimacy . This is because it will materialize with institutional locks present in the current constitution, such as the 2/3 rule for the approval of the matters to be dealt with, the impossibility of touching FTA (free trade agreements), the obstacles to the participation of union leaders and social as constituents, not allowing the participation of underage youth, among others. But even more important, because it does not take into account the thousands of deliberations carried out and agreements reached by our people in the councils and self-convened assemblies throughout the territory. We are clear in stating that any attempt to raise a popular, sovereign, free, self-convened constituent assembly or whatever epithet you want to place, must be a need that arises within the popular movement, in its own class organizations, from its bases in the various territories,recognizing the mechanisms of direct democracy that the people have developed in their deliberations, such as assemblies with the capacity for consensus and / or vote by show of hands.However, it is necessary to emphasize that unlike the regular electoral processes of the representative and bourgeois democracy that protect us, this constituent process, even though it is an agreement above the Bloc in Power, is something to which they were forced to yield. Product of social pressure and the institutional overflow that was throbbing in the streets of the country, to prevent us from overthrowing the Government of Piñera, which was the central demand before 15N. And taking the foregoing into account, it is not minor that they opened the door to a process that in more than 200 years of existence of the Republic and the State of Chile had never occurred. Finally, it must be emphasized that it will be the group of organized and raised people that will or will not give legitimacy to what results from the process in the heat of the struggles and political deliberations that take place.
The tasks from the organized class Anarchism.
In that sense, we understand that our role as a political organization and in general as organized anarchists is not to become part of the Plebiscite, Constitutional Convention and constituent process calling to vote I approve constitutional convention, much less call to vote rejectiontogether with the far-right and conservative political sectors of the dominant bloc and society. Rather, we understand that as anarchists we cannot be oblivious to the social processes that involve us as a working class, and we understand that our contribution must be positioned around resuming the Popular Uprising little by little within the context of the pandemic that the country and the world lives; retake the streets and the union, student, territorial, anti-patriarchal and socio-environmental assemblies, among others, that are being re-forged now that a large part of the country has passed the stage of confinement in quarantine; to be agitating in the self-defense barricades against the strong repression that is coming to us to maintain the mass in the streets of our people demonstrating;
Our task will be to be alert, to reflect together in the self-convened assemblies of popular deliberation on the scope of the constituent process for our people, to continue building in the social spaces where we have a presence in daily life, to keep the flames of the barricades alive because it is in the heat of the struggle that we have (re) known ourselves as equals, as part of the same people, of the same class that lives off work. We understand that there are sectors of our class that placed their trust in the Plebiscite, Constitutional Convention and the constituent process, which, in our eyes, does not make them class enemies or traitors. The important thing is to target the same class enemy -the sectors that want to keep everything as it is-,Advance in a common program for our class, from the revolutionary social and political sectors that establishes the departure of Piñera and his Government, the overcoming of Neoliberalism and the conquest of social rights that were taken from us by blood, fire and terror in the dictatorship by of the ruling class, in unity, from the bases of the social world; and thus, overcome the current political period opened in 1973 with the civic-military coup against the working class and the organized people.
Organized Anarchist Front [FAO]
October, spring 2020.


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