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(en) Greece, restive horse APO: COVID-19: Pandemic management, a battlefield between state and capitalist domination and social and class base struggles [machine translation]

Date Thu, 7 May 2020 08:51:41 +0300


An article on the management of the pandemic, the point where the conflict between the state and the capitalist machine and the social and class resistances is reflected. For the ideological battle against the devaluation of the universal good of life and health ---- COVID-19: ---- Pandemic management, a battlefield between state and capitalist domination and the struggles of the social and class base. ---- To begin an analysis of the state management of the Covid-19 pandemic, it is necessary to clarify what the state entity is and what it is not: .[1] And what is its main purpose: The reproduction of its ability to concentrate these functions, to be imposed on the social body either through brute force or through the mediation of social needs. The impossibility of reproducing this imposition wears out not a single state function but the state itself. Simply put, the very existence of the state is directly linked to defending its ability to impose its power universally.

This enforcement process is much more complicated than government administrators would like. The social and class struggle, the mobilizations and the struggles against the state orders are the independent variable that the sabotage can set in motion in the reproduction function of the state machine. There are two critical points about the extent of sabotage in the reproductive function of the state machine:

a) The dual nature of these struggles, ie on the one hand the simultaneous confrontation of the collective power with the state power and on the other hand the militant confrontation, the satisfaction of social needs through processes that are not part of the institutional-mediation functions.

b) The impact of these struggles on the wider social context in which they are carried out, their mass and ideological influence.

The qualitative and quantitative reflection of these two factors is a rather difficult case, as they change with great speed. In other words, the intensity of the social and class struggle cannot be taken for granted, just as it cannot be taken for granted. The state formation, in order to absorb the vibrations and regain its dominance where it loses territory due to it, is forced to change, to change, to use new means in order not to risk its existence, to prepare for prevention, and in worst-case scenario for dealing with the expression of the leading process of questioning its existence: the civil social and class war, the complete rupture of a significant part of society with the existing state and capitalist or organizational structure.

This preparation and its imprints are much easier to perceive in terms of the police and military forces, in the means of expression of a pillar of state function, of raw power. It is more complicated and its imprints less clear in terms of those mechanisms that aim at the ideological influence of the state, which exist (as well as the repressive mechanisms) to prevent the challenge of state power through its ideological establishment.

The purpose of this article is not to describe these two functions and the state machine, but to highlight the definition of its functions and the process of social and class conflict; in this case, the management of the Covid-19 pandemic. Other factors, such as unequal distribution of power between states, the degree of capitalist development or the differentiated theoretical core of state formations, are not overlooked, but also interact with social and class reality, with the imprints or remnants of internal conflict of a general analysis of the effects of the Covid-19 pandemic must include a number of factors, such as the individual economic structure - it is no coincidence that the virus is so prevalent in countries with high rates of large businesses, an increasing number of tourists during the winter, a level of internationalization (in Western Europe and the US travel, especially air travel, between countries or states are much more frequent), the state of health systems and government interventions in the transmission of the virus. A common component in each case separately is that any state intervention - for parade With the closure of part of the operations - only after the risk of millions of deaths was already either directly visible or a reality, an international treaty could no longer be ignored. level of internationalization (in Western Europe and the United States travel, especially air travel, between countries or states is much more frequent), the state of health systems and state interventions in the transmission of the virus. Common component in each case separately is that any state intervention - for example with the closure of part of the business - did not occur until after the risk of millions of deaths was already either directly visible or a reality, an international treaty was no longer possible. a neglected. level of internationalization (in Western Europe and the United States travel, especially air travel, between countries or states is much more frequent), the state of health systems and state interventions in the transmission of the virus. Common component in each case separately is that any state intervention - for example with the closure of part of the business - did not occur until the risk of millions of deaths was already either immediately visible or a reality, an international treaty no longer possible. a neglected.

In contrast to conspiracy theories, states around the world have not taken partial measures to partially restrict economic activity (and in some cases not even them), and therefore the spread of the virus, under enormous pressure from the capitalist machine. , the second pillar of power of the existing world, not to receive blows. Strikes in Italy's factories amid thousands of deaths, strikes by Amazon workers in the United States, strikes by workers' doctors and nurses around the world just as reluctant to allocate part of the generated wealth to the strengthening of health structures.

And even these forced movements to limit economic activity do not arise from a sudden interest in human life, as a universal good. Prisons and concentration camps are the greatest proof that health and life are important to states only to the extent that social cohesion is not threatened, that is, to the extent that state and capitalist sovereignty are not threatened. Sovereignty that would certainly be threatened, more elsewhere and less elsewhere, as the state that wants to appear as the guarantor of social normalcy can hardly convince its citizens, its "legitimate citizens", that it is in their interest. to die en masse either in hospitals overcrowded or in nursing homes or on the streets, in order for the "strongest" to survive in the context of the idea of herd immunity. The individual differences in the attitude of states are largely due to the power of domination they have or consider to have over the social body. The confidence of the Swedish state, which has allowed the virus to spread, resulting in the proportionally multiple deaths from their respective populations and economies, is due to its enormous ideological dominance over Swedish society. The dual stance of the US state is eloquently reflected in the photo that accompanies the article: Where the real state and capitalist will is clearly expressed by Trump's supporters who define capitalist development as freedom and the point where it strikes and is forced to retreat to the block of the working nurse. This opposition pervades every part of the world, the opposition between state and capitalist enforcement and its opposition from the social and class base.

In other words, the state management of the pandemic reflects, among other things, both the degree of the ideological domination of the state on the social and the degree of the influence of the social and class resistances, the denial of this domination. The repressive armies are not on the streets to restrict the petty bourgeoisie's maximum freedom to drink drinks at bars and go on vacation, but to ensure that the risk management of the pandemic, the leading social issue of the time, remains. government hands. The repressive forces are on the streets to ensure the continuation of any workplace to the extent that it serves the state and the capitalist machine. The repressive forces exist to ensure that revolts in prisons and detention centers against the spread of the pandemic and not because there is no pandemic will not erupt or be dealt with violently. The repressive forces are on the streets to ensure that while the virus spreads rapidly to Harlem, the slums, the Kranidi detention center, there will be no conflict between the state and the capitalist power that creates ghetto neighborhoods, prisons, armies, the army. concentration. They are on the streets to ensure that during a pandemic others will live in vast villas not knowing how to spend their wealth and others in basements not knowing if they will have eaten. There where state structures do not exist, The revolutionary forces themselves (for example in Chiapas) have taken quarantine measures to protect the community. Where the state structure is extremely weak or has not taken action (for example in Brazil's favelas), gangs have taken on the social need as the only organized expression of power and have imposed quarantine measures.

The fight against the spread of Covid-19 worldwide and for the protection of both life and health has been undertaken by the social and class base, doctors, nurses, cleaning and feeding workers. And it is the state that wants to appear as an exponent of the interests of the social, solely because he is occasionally compelled to a basic suspension of economic activity while at the same time shielding himself in a repressive manner in order to avoid his own questioning. The repressive measures and the presence of even an army on the streets of the cities are obviously not some kind of measure related to the protection of the health of the population, but instead act as guardians of the conditions that create enormous risks to life and health. And while they are the timeless imprints of the social and class struggle that led to the partial suspension of economic activity (where it existed), it is the state that reaps the value of its forced implementation, as there is no collective political and revolutionary force with the masses. conditions, which raises the question of the challenge of state power. As it is an expression of will on the part of the above, the disposition for the application of the doctrine "the strong survive, the weak die" and well-known their decades-long efforts to fully privatize health structures, which implies an absolute class exclusion from the basic, any health structures exist only thanks to the existence of struggles on the part of the oppressed.

It is precisely these imprints of the struggles that the followers of elitist theories who treat state entities with metaphysical and mystical awe cannot discern this effect, attributing to them almost divine theories of controlling reality. For them, it should be noted that the overwhelming exaggeration of the capabilities of the state machine stems from the refusal to recognize the enormous potential of the social and class base. Their elitism is nothing but a peculiar class racism intended to permanently devalue the crowds of people in order to keep for themselves the idea of a bright avant-garde, so bright that everyone is blinded by its brilliance and no one follows it. They thus create an eternal cycle of ideological self-affirmation,

If for the state the issue is the reproduction of its sovereignty, for the petty bourgeoisie the issue is to maintain their position within the existing class division. Petty bourgeoisie as a social mentality is based on individualized existence, on the small possession of those means of production or property or a social status that allows specific pleasures within or outside quotation marks. Someone healthier or younger is objectively less in need of a public health system than someone who has health problems. If from this objective material position he ends up indifferent to the needs of the unhealthy or the elderly, he does nothing but try to maintain a certain privilege, his property, his means of production or his way of life, even resulting in the death of the unhealthy.

The confusion between state repressive measures and the denial of the epidemic speculates cynically on the inability to distinguish between real social need (which is protection against a highly contagious virus, high mortality rates and for which there is no vaccine) and in the mediation of this need by the state, identifying them. He does not oppose repressive forces (not even before the epidemic), and does not view them as an army intended to suppress social and class struggle, as he sees them as a temporary obstacle to the "exercise of capitalist freedom." The masked denial of revolutionary perspective from those losers who agree with the regime parrots that the plebeians are unable to manage their lives collectively,

The resumption of international economic activities also points to the point where the dynamics of the struggles are bound to find their limits. It is the state and capitalist way of life of production and consumption that objectively creates conditions for a global outbreak of an epidemic: With vast metropolises, labor relations that require mass travel, the raid on the natural world, the looting of socially produced wealth. means of protection and health structures. With the economic structure that is oriented towards intensive and mass exploitation and now "it must move again", to the residential structure of the houses-concrete cages. With the existence of prisons and detention centers for refugees and immigrants, and by blackmailing unemployment and impoverished poverty to force millions of people to risk their lives and health. With the orientation of entertainment in mass entertainment and industrialized tourism. It is this system of enforcement and exploitation that, to the extent that it is not overturned, overcomes the obstacles posed by the struggles and continues to define the lives of billions of people, prioritizing the interests of the few economically and politically dominant over the many.

A political and revolutionary movement has a duty to formulate and articulate an overall revolutionary project, a social proposal for all. For young and old, for the healthy and the sick without discrimination, without prisons and concentration camps. The revolutionary slogan in our time remains "everything for everyone, by everyone according to their abilities to everyone according to their needs". Equality means equal access to health facilities, food, housing. And freedom means the collective possibility of co-decision on all social issues, the radical change of lifestyle, the relationship with nature, production, entertainment. Solidarity movements and mobilizations that refuse to take over social affairs from the state and at the same time study collective and individual self-defense measures - because they are the need of the base - are those that can and do oppose state and capitalist power. its far-right, reformist or lifestyle supplements, which in fact recognize the "right" of the state to decide on society as a whole by occasionally being intolerant of it. ways, as far as individual entities affected. As anarchists, we totally deny the state the ability to decide on social issues, whether they concern the production or management of an existing risk such as an epidemic.

As anarchists we are fighting for the revolution and we are seeking social and class self-government, the federal social and class councils, which have nothing to do with lifestyle choices within the existing world. For the emancipated society where the concern for everyone's human life will be a universal responsibility, where the production of social wealth will be available to satisfy the real social needs, which include health structures for all. We seek the overthrow of the state and capitalism from the social and class base, which in a very difficult time proves its enormous potential and we detest the comedic elites and its devaluing syndromes. Social and class struggles will continue to write the history of the struggle for human emancipation until their mass and radicalization brings its brightest page. Until all real social needs are taken over by the organization of free equals.

[1] P. Kropotkin, "The State and Its Historical Role."

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