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(en) Anarkismo.net groups for May 01 - All times are times of struggle!

Date Fri, 1 May 2020 14:26:07 +0300


"May Day should be a symbol of international solidarity - a solidarity that is not limited to the nation-state, which always suits the interests of the privileged minorities of this same country. Among the millions of workers who endure the yoke of slavery, There is unity in the common interests, regardless of the language they speak and the situation in which they were born. But between the exploiters and the exploiters of a country, there is a constant war that cannot be fought. to be resolved by no authority and has its roots in the opposing interests of the various classes. Every nationalism is an ideological disguise of real events: it may one day draw the masses to its false representatives.
(Rudolf Rocker, 1936).

Analysis of the situation on the occasion of May 1

"May Day should be a symbol of international solidarity - a solidarity that is not limited to the nation-state, which always suits the interests of the privileged minorities of this same country. Among the millions of workers who endure the yoke of slavery, There is unity in the common interests, regardless of the language they speak and the situation in which they were born. But between the exploiters and the exploiters of a country, there is a constant war that cannot be fought. to be resolved by no authority and has its roots in the opposing interests of the various classes. Every nationalism is an ideological disguise of real events: it may one day draw the masses to its false representatives.
(Rudolf Rocker, 1936).

1. The global situation

The Covid-19 pandemic has come at a time of globalization, with strong dysfunctions in the mechanisms of financing, management and communication within the capitalist system, challenging the general criteria of government management and the crisis of imperialism. deepening tensions between major geostrategic forces.

Until the health crisis stopped, popular uprisings against the system were confirmed. These uprisings call into question the political management of the ruling classes in each social formation and their operational strategies. The health crisis has also hit the sovereignty system very hard. Being an external factor in the functioning of the world system, it reveals the predictable structural, strategic and operational weaknesses and shortcomings of globalized capitalism and accelerates the degradation of state governance.

For this reason, in various countries, we have seen how governments, especially in Britain and the United States, have revoked their original plans - that is, allowing the spread of transmission and mass deaths in order to create a herd immunity in population. This strategy, combined with the downgrading of public health systems and the harshest blows to the most vulnerable social strata, could lead to real social slaughter. By rejecting this, it can be seen that the British and American bourgeoisie marked a political step backwards in the face of what could cause some social unrest.

Thus, the health crisis acts as a factor that exposes and reinforces the weaknesses, imbalances and factors of system collapse and at the same time constitutes a possible systemic innovation, a new central factor of dysfunction and exclusion. In short, the pandemic is deepening a cycle of economic and social crises that were already about to erupt, and restructuring the game of the dominant blocs in their quest to maneuver and manage their exit from this health crisis.

The ability of the various geostrategic blocs to deal with the situation and overcome it at this time, which could lead to the paralysis of the world economy, seems to be different. Therefore, the acceleration of the confrontation between China and the United States and the formation of the power struggle in its new cycle will be accompanied by an unprecedented attack, all over the world, against the living conditions of the popular classes, against the social and political rights, against all the lucrative gains that have been won and strengthened, or at least have been maintained and remain during the last historical period.

Interventions to disengage from the crisis and restart the global economy involve a huge movement of financial resources that will create debt, austerity policies, new attacks on public services and a strategic effort to increase exploitation, control and dominance against classes. It should be noted that the world market is clearly affected by this economic crisis - both materially and ideologically - and we should not be surprised by the possible economic regionalization of various states and powers. Nevertheless, we must consider that globalization will continue to be a key factor in the global economy and that the intensity of exploitation will be a key element in shaping it in the next cycle.

Globally, the level of debt is more than double world production. This crisis could also serve to liquidate debts or collect them through a retroactive payment, or redesign the large international financial casino.

1.1. The situation in Europe

As far as the European continent is concerned, we need to consider the Eurogroup's decisions as a partial effort to facilitate budget austerity through debt growth and cost socialization - raising, for example, the health spending threshold and, more specifically, those relating to the current Covid-19 crisis - and through the support of national economies in order to mitigate the effects of the economic crisis caused by the health crisis. This intervention is obviously limited by the capitalist framework that needs to be maintained.

We must prevent the planned attack on living conditions, wages and incomes of the popular classes, as well as the implementation of political control models, social constraints and space constraints and forms of action of state apparatus and capitalist governing bodies. We need to tackle the emerging overly authoritarian shifts in social control as this risk increases dangerously due to the emergency in the health crisis and as the impact of social action and demands diminishes.

1.2. The situation in Turkey

As elsewhere, the coroner's outburst - combined with the functioning of the capitalist system and the insufficient policies of the state - is creating a major crisis in Turkey. At this time, when all areas of social life are affected, the state ignores those most at risk and is oppressed by the epidemic, and this "fight" against the epidemic is mainly to take protective measures for the most privileged sections of society. .

Hundreds of thousands, possibly millions, are being laid off or sentenced to starvation for unpaid leave, resulting in the closure of businesses with lockdown practices and the cessation of all economic activity.

Most of the workers still working during the pandemic - including those in supermarkets and large retail stores, and especially health workers, who are at the forefront of the disease - do not have adequate protective equipment.

Again, the political and economic spectrum is not concerned with whether the poorest sections of society are able to meet even their most basic needs. State-run campaigns that allow him to pretend to care for the poor are funded by the taxes they have been paying for years. Of course, charity cannot meet real needs: it serves to reproduce and maintain a relationship of dependence rather than to eliminate economic injustice.

Under these conditions, facing a massive and empty state, the self-organization of people from below, the action of local communities, comes to participate in the game to address the vital needs during this colonial crisis and the fight against politics. of the goverment.

1.3. The situation in Latin America

Latin America is going through a strange situation. Countries with previous economic crises - such as Argentina - or social uprisings such as Chile and others, where new right-wing governments have recently risen to power, such as Uruguay, all share some common features. Examples: rising insecurity, layoffs, unemployment insurance and hunger affecting a significant portion of the population. Peru and Argentina are in complete lockdown and militarization of social life, as are Chile and Paraguay, where traffic bans are in place. In Uruguay, social isolation is practiced, although there is no mandatory exclusion and there are slowly plans to restart economic activity.

In Brazil, the situation is getting more complicated every day. We are in a scenario in which, on the one hand, living conditions are becoming increasingly precarious, with unemployment rising, living costs skyrocketing and thousands of informal and precarious workers unable to secure their daily food and, on the other hand, a government acting to make social isolation measures more flexible, putting thousands of workers at risk. The argument is that the economy cannot stop, as in many countries in the region.

The formula is simple. Without a minimum income policy that truly guarantees the livelihood of the unemployed, the unemployed and the self-employed, so that everyone can remain socially isolated, Bolsonaro and his policy guarantee the dilemma of what the people should choose. classes, that is, between the risk to their health or hunger. Thus, he shuns any responsibility, attacks the governors of the states who defend the lockdown as a measure to prevent the collapse of the public health system, and creates the perfect scenario to continue his super-neoliberal conservative work. In the power struggle between those at the top, Bolsonaro promotes chaos and crisis as a governance technique. For him, health and guaranteed rights do not even matter, nor does the impending collapse of the public health system. It does not act to avoid a health, social or economic crisis, it promotes it to govern more effectively and to impose a super-neoliberal, patriarchal, conservative and racist plan.

In general, this crisis has allowed governments to implement different populist measures, but almost all of them are simultaneously pursuing strong policies of repression and social control of the far right. In general, corporate profits are not at risk and, in addition, measures are proposed that allow the bourgeoisie to "reactivate" the economy within the framework of neoliberal logic. The external debt of Latin American countries is likely to increase, and to this must be added the fall in the international price of oil that affects several countries in the region, such as Venezuela, Ecuador, Colombia, Mexico, Brazil and others. etc. Some of these countries have already severely abolished their oil sector or are facing various difficulties. We may see a drop in the prices of some raw materials in the near future, especially in the dependent capitalist zones, while the corresponding prices of other products, such as cereals, may rise sharply. This will have a negative impact on Latin American economies and the crisis will be unimaginably heavy on the popular classes.

On the other hand, the United States, which has serious internal problems with this crisis, does not want to lose control of its "yard" and seeks to create and maintain a specific policy of economic and social instability in the region in order to maintain it. social cohesion and control. Of course, this also serves several local governments, those that are largely aligned with the US

1.4. Asian countries as an example of mass social control efforts

It is also important to consider what is happening in Asia, especially in the case of China and South Korea, where extreme social control mechanisms based on technology are being implemented. In these societies a huge panopticon has developed, but where surveillance is effective and stable and social discipline is sought on a large scale. This model of social control seems to be "exported" to the world under the heading "we know how to reduce the pandemic." In fact, it is a recipe for population retention.

1.5. The situation of women

This health crisis has also profoundly affected women, especially those from a popular background. The lock down measures have led to an increase in domestic violence and homicide. It has also exacerbated the exploitation of women at work, both in the domestic sphere - paid wages and care - and in the paid sphere, as women represent the vast majority of workers in areas that are now considered essential to health in this crisis ( , social work, large retail, food processing industry…).

The high number of redundancies and the flexibility of work make even the already low incomes of salaried women even more precarious. A large proportion of single-parent families with female-headed households are poor, given their ability to generate income through paid work and low social benefits. This is exacerbated by unpaid domestic work and care. We need to keep in mind that in Latin America, the large number of women and children in community initiatives such as soup kitchens or popular supply networks suggest this serious situation.

The crisis of capital presupposes the need to strengthen other areas of sovereignty. In the coming months, it will be crucial to analyze the implications of deepening patriarchal violence in all areas.

In conclusion, we could say that this generalized attack is already underway. If the fears of the socialization of losses are confirmed - that is, to make us pay for this crisis - the latter could not be reduced and regulated, and the results would probably be more brutal and denser. However, this attack is expected to take place, but at the same time, a possible organized response from our camp may occur, hoping for the intensity of the social struggles. Many things depend on how the hegemonic core of the ruling classes assesses the situation, what is a danger to the capitalist system, and the possibilities of social revolt.

2. The Left

In this context, we need to study the complexity of the moment for the Left and the potential of a particular backward movement, whether it is reformist or revolutionary, or at least radical. But without a doubt, opportunities can be opened for the development of a decisive combat practice with a socially emancipatory tone and a radical critique of the system. Without exaggeration, the dominant forces in the still self-proclaimed spectrum of the Left are social-liberal / "progressive". This does not mean that they are merely direct forces of control and intervention in the service of capital. They have a regular (or short-term) maneuvering space combined with a secondary role, with strategic submission to the will of the ruling classes. These forces know that if they want to maintain their integrity within the state apparatus, within the centers of power, including the government, even if they have to submit to the right wing, they can disappear or remain marginalized in the political spectrum. This is the dilemma of European social democracy and the progressives of Latin America, for example.

That is why they are constantly adjusting between their strategy of subjugation and a short but obligatory sensitivity to social movements and the action of different forces that go beyond social liberalism and progressiveism, including those representing a more reformist type of action, given that maintain their electoral base.

Another central feature of the power struggle in Europe is the general development of the reformist Left, which was already in crisis, or at least in imbalance, before the colonist appeared. These forces range from Jeremy Corbyn of the United Labor Party in the United Kingdom to Pablo Iglesias of the Podemos Party in Spain, and share a common state and government approach to their cultural, political and strategic policies. In their central conception, all their means of action are placed within the framework of the state mechanism and, therefore, they recognize electoral action as the central element of their resistance against the dominant blocs. Even before the Covid-19 crisis, there was already an obvious trend of restructuring,

Among other things, these left-wing forces have shown that they are neither capable nor really willing to oppose the development of far-right forces and their growing social acceptance, not even at the cultural level. This is not new to us, and we need to know that fascism has historically been a tool used by capitalism to perpetuate itself in times of crisis.

So, let's list the parameters of a real resistance to neoliberalism - we might rather call them revolutionary - that have been completely forgotten by the forces of social competition, except in rare cases. It is our duty to rebuild this space, both politically and socially.

3. Resistance elements

In the current situation, the resistance camp is complex and has very strong internal contradictions, with different social, cultural and political roots.

This camp includes a widespread popular resistance, but it also faces significant disorganization in various areas. Collective fear or resignation prevails as people face pressure from the risk of losing their job or income. Healthcare, the cessation of non-essential activities and many other achievements for us and our colleagues have been won thanks to the self-organization in the unions and the organization of our struggle. This resistance is also sometimes formed in newly created popular organizations or in processes of rejuvenation of organizations from previous traditions.

In the camp of resistance, one can find currents and forces that come from very different horizons of what we might call libertarian dynamics, based on the supremacy of the political action of the masses. The resistance camp borders the reformist Left. This implies many ambiguities. This camp includes currents and organizations with a statist conception, the orientation of which in the overall struggle - although sometimes it shares some tones in favor of self-government and popular action from below - is political, fragile and prone to authoritarianism.

We are a struggling force in the archipelago of resistance and at the same time an important creative basis for popular power, self-government and direct democracy - that is, for the political process that implies a permanent progress towards liberal communism / socialism.

In this situation, where we converge with other forces in the struggle, we seek to build and activate processes of political work, always from the grassroots social bases to their practices, demands and ambitions. Within our popular organizations and through our ability to fight, we promote what favors and presupposes class independence and popular autonomy, we build emancipatory power, we promote that popular power that escapes the tricks and government strategies of capitalism.

4. Resistance axes

- Promoting and strengthening the areas of solidarity and mutual aid of the popular classes from the neighborhood level to the international areas, in order to break the logic that the state protects us. and to create the grassroots organization from below.
- Rehabilitation and strengthening of strategic alliances and struggles with other political and social organizations. Especially at the social level, by promoting anarcho-syndicalism or alternative trade unionism and in direct cooperation with housing movements, adequate public services (health, education, social services), anti-racism, feminism, immigrant rights, ecology ...
- Preparation, together with these organizations, of plans in favor of the popular classes and plans of popular struggle after the end of isolation. Still, promoting actions ranging from noisy demonstrations to strikes and more.
- Defending the spaces that allow political action and self-organization against authoritarian policies and measures against our freedom now and after the lockdown period.
- Requirement for long-range protection conditions at work, especially in the areas of health, food, transport, public services, etc.
- Dealing with directives and the discourse of power by criticizing its wrong decisions or decisions that restrict freedoms, social rights and life, cuts in public services (especially in the health sector) that make us more vulnerable to the virus and increase mortality.
- Dealing with the hate speech of the extreme right-wing forces, which seek to divide the popular classes through mass manipulation mechanisms.
- Controversy over productivity, environmental degradation, animal abuse and extensive and industrial agriculture. In short, the whole capitalist system.
- Generalize the use of the right of exemption in case of danger at work or the use of the right to strike when necessary.
- Socialization of the pharmaceutical industry and the health system and all related services.
- Renewal and strengthening of the political horizon of production under the control of workers.
- Strengthening the coordination, discussion and joint work of organized anarchism at the political level, and through our social activism, promoting class trade unionism and other revolutionary projects at the international level.

For the popular classes, all times are times of struggle!

Against austerity let's build popular power!

For libertarian socialism!

ARRIBA LAS Y LOS QUE LUCHAN!

Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira - CAB (Brazil)
Federacion Anarquista Uruguaya - FAU (Uruguay)
Federacion Anarquista Rosario - FAR (Argentina)
Organizacion Anarquista de Cordoba - OAC (Argentina)
Federacion Anarquista Santiago - FAS (Chile)
Grupo Libertario Via Libre (Colombia)
Union Communiste Libertaire (France)
Embat - Organización Anarquista (Catalonia)
Alternativa Libertaria - AL / FdCA (Italy)
Die Plattform - Anarchakommunistische Organization (Germany)
Devrimci Anarşist Faaliyet - DAF (Turkey) Turkey
Socialist Libertaire Organization (
EBL)
Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group - MACG (Australia)
Aotearoa Workers Solidarity Movement - AWSM (Aotearoa / New Zealand)
Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Front - ZACF (South Africa)

* Performance: Neither God nor Master.
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