A-Infos (en) anarkismo.net: Catalunya and the libertarians. Conversation with Embat about the Catalan crisis. by José Antonio Gutiérrez D. (ca, it, pt) [machine translation]

The past few weeks have been hard in Catalonia. The images of the crowds protesting the 
sentences for "sedition" to former members of the Generalitat, and the subsequent 
repression, have gone around the world. That the wave of protests that travels around the 
world reaches a corner of Europe and exposes the system in its violence, stripped of its 
democratic pretensions, is a remarkable fact. With its own modalities, with its 
limitations, and with its specificity, Catalonia is also demonstrating the crisis faced by 
capitalist democracies in the supposed "end of history." To understand this moment a 
little better, we talked with members of the Catalan libertarian organization Embat. ---- 
1. What does the "procés" judgment issued by the Supreme Court mean?

The sentence condemns between 9 and 13 years to various politicians who in 2017 were part 
of the government of the Catalan Generalitat. They are condemned for "sedition", although 
the penalty of "rebellion" has fallen which, according to the Spanish Constitution, would 
require a violent uprising against the state. The sentence has wanted to be exemplary so 
that it is not repeated again. As an anecdote, it appears written in the sentence that a 
counselor of the Generalitat was in charge of the Department of Education when it was not, 
so it should be an invalid resolution. In addition, the president of the Catalan 
parliament is condemned for allowing the debate where the independence resolution was 
voted. This limits the autonomy that any parliament could have within Spain to discuss the 
issues you want.

Finally, the leaders of the civil entities Assemble Nacional Catalana (ANC) and Òmnium 
Cultural are sentenced to a sentence of 9 years in prison. This conviction is for getting 
into a police car to call off the demonstration that was warming at that time. They sent 
people to their house and condemned them. This raises a jurisprudence towards social and 
trade union movements, since any concentration, however peaceful and calm, could be 
considered seditious by the authorities. And if there is violence, it can be treated as a 
crime of rebellion, with sentences from 10 (to mere participants) to 30 (to inductors or 
leaders) years in jail, depending on the degree of responsibility or involvement of each.

It can be seen that in order to condemn these political and social leaders, the Supreme 
Court passes over justice to take revenge.

2. How was the protest of the Catalan population? What sectors have been mobilizing and 
who have organized or called the protest?

The protest actually takes many years with ups and downs. In this specific case, civil 
organizations and many grassroots independent organizations, such as the CoR (or Defense 
Committees of the Republic) were preparing some response. Due to internal struggles 
between Catalan political parties, the mood was low and it was not clear what response 
there would be. However, since the summer a new platform has appeared apart from all of 
the above - although surely with components from all areas - called Tsunami Democràtic. In 
the month of September they activated their Telegram channel that in a few weeks reached 
350,000 people. Therefore you could see that there was interest, and more when a week 
before it was already known that the sentence would be condemnatory. Even so, if the 
sentence came out on Monday 14, two or three days before the sentence had been leaked 
between politicians of the hard right and the media right and they hinted at it from the 
media. This greatly irritated the mood.

In this way when the sentence was known, in the morning of the 14th, the spirits were 
already very hot. The students quickly called a strike and emptied the classes. Some 
blockages were made on roads or concentrations in front of public buildings. In the 
afternoon, the Democratic Tsunami called to block the Barcelona-El Prat airport, emulating 
Hong Kong's protests. And the situation escalated exponentially. As we know, more than 100 
flights were canceled, although it was not possible to close the airport but the entry and 
exit of passengers was blocked. The police had to cut all accesses and the train company 
canceled the line. Still people came walking from Barcelona, sometimes crossing the 
orchards for thousands of people. For the first time he loaded the Catalan police (called 
Mossos d ' Esquadra) against the people and did not back down - something that was not 
seen here since the riots produced by evictions of social centers or by general strikes. 
There were scenes of strong combativity that are not common in the Spanish state.

But it is that this did not stay in Barcelona, in the most important towns and cities of 
Catalonia such as Girona, Lleida, Tarragona, Mataró, Manresa, Igualada, Vic, Reus ... the 
concentrations and manifestations were enormous. They are usually called by the CDRs but 
sometimes not even that, they were summoned alone by the Telegram groups. Road cuts were 
announced as a drip. And every day throughout the week (and some still last) new cuts are 
being convened.

To sum up the summoners are: Tsunami Democràtic, CDRs, student movement and the General 
Strike on October 18, in particular, the Intersindical CSC and Intersindical Alternativa, 
IAC. I would point out that many people called themselves and that as mobilizations and 
riots grew, many new people joined.

3. Specifically, what role have workers and their class organizations played in these 
protests?

The world of work has become very uneven. For example, the education sector and the public 
or civil service sector have seconded - in general - the atmosphere of protests and 
followed the strike. But the other sectors do not. This is due to the strong influence of 
the CCOO and UGT unions that refuse to summon anything in Catalonia for fear of losing 
strength in the rest of the state, which usually sees Catalonia as a "problem" in line 
with the bombing of the media Communication against this land.

The 18O strike was followed by quite a few people in the services sector and in commerce, 
a sector that is usually poorly mobilized. This is due to the independence sympathies of 
not a few employers who closed doors without more. But it was also combined with workers 
asking for a strike. Where the strike was least noticed is in the industrial sector where 
the calling unions have less weight.

It must be said that they are small unions for Catalonia but they have managed to place 
their calls in times of great turmoil. Therefore its calls serve as an excuse for the 
popular independence movement to stop everything.

4. How libertarians, how do they evaluate their position and their contribution to this 
protest?

The libertarian sector has tried to mark distances from both the repression of the central 
government and the Catalan political parties. In fact, one part has even lived it from a 
distance. We know that nothing binds us to any side. But many calls have been made from 
our ranks to participate in street demonstrations and blockades. We know that there have 
been hundreds or thousands (nor do we know how many we are) of comrades and companions of 
the libertarian movement who have been in the events of these days. But the libertarian 
organizations do not convene more than a demonstration against repression on Saturday 19 
in the afternoon. The General Strike was not supported by the anarcho-syndicalist trade 
union organizations and we could see how several local unions and union sections of these 
organizations went,

And it is that in the midst of a popular revolt there were not a few libertarians (most 
are from the rest of the state, although there were natives of Catalonia as well) calling 
on the internet against the mobilizations because they were from a "nationalist" and 
"racist" movement and because They wanted to build a new state. They are examples of 
conservatism in which the European anarchist movement lives, which is easily overcome by 
events. It also demonstrates the centralism or unionism that permeates much of the Spanish 
libertarian movement, which presumes to be a federalist and then prevents the parties from 
having real autonomy (much less independent).

And we want to clarify that at the grassroots level there is a very important percentage 
of people who want independence from Catalonia do so because they are not reflected in the 
social and political project that represents Spain, linked to the most aggressive 
neoliberal project on the one hand and with authoritarianism on the other. Independence is 
taken as a political space to achieve greater social justice. However, this does not mean 
that there are no neo-liberals among the independence that wish to implement their thesis. 
It is your greatest risk and at the same time your greatest burden, in fact.

5. Are these protests part of the open 1-O process? What are the lines of continuity and 
rupture between these two moments of rebellion?

The current independence process comes from 2006. It has ups and downs but it is latent in 
a part of society - and not in everything, since many people who feel Spanish live in 
Catalonia. Then this movement seems to be activated suddenly in a matter of weeks, makes 
some spectacular actions and then returns to the routine and life of political parties 
with their fights for power. Over time the parties, given the social pressure mobilized 
through the civil entities ANC and Òmniun Cultural, had to position themselves clearly in 
favor of independence. They had splits of who disagreed. The masses forced them to convene 
a consultation in 2014. And then again in 2017. We want to say that every two or three 
years there is a high period of strong mobilization like the current one. But there are 
examples in 2010,

In fact, he has gone further than ever to question the legitimacy of the violence and 
self-defense of protesters in the face of police brutality. People who showed off pacifism 
have been put in jail. The streets have exploded when they have imprisoned the pacifists 
who used to make a stopper or a barrier so that emotions do not get too hot. Now there has 
been a break. All the actors try to return the waters to their channel and strongly 
condemn the violence of the protests playing the same game as the state. The important 
thing is that there have been many people who have seen other tactics in action.

6. What perspectives do you see to these manifestations? Are they only an expression of a 
cyclical phenomenon or are they expressing a deeper malaise and a potential of greater scope?

You can see that there is much discomfort against the authoritarianism of the Spanish 
state. Demonstrations in other cities in Spain such as Madrid, Vitoria, Valencia or 
Granada have also ended with police charges, races and arrests. You will not be allowed in 
any way to connect with Catalonia. That scenario gives the oligarchy panic. Pablo 
Iglesias, Íñigo Errejón and Alberto Garzón, who are the leaders of the supposed new left, 
are also playing this game of isolating and criminalizing Catalonia. You should never 
forget your role in this conflict: they gave their support to the state and the security 
forces when there was a revolt in the street. It is clear that the Spanish left prefers a 
Spain in the hands of the extreme right than a broken Spain. They do not offer any 
alternative territorial proposal that can convince the Catalans to stay in Spain. Perhaps 
because everything happens to abolish an untouchable monarchy or to expel the entire 
Spanish ultranationalist sector from the judiciary, the army and the police. That is why 
the doors of dialogue close. The Catalans, on the one hand, think about leaving Spain, 
while the Spaniards believe that the Catalans are unsupportive and selfish and choose to 
the right. As you can see, it is a conflict that goes on for a long time and that nobody 
wants to resolve. The anti-capitalist and libertarian left has to take sides in this 
matter because it is central today in Spanish public life. from the army and the police to 
the entire Spanish ultranationalist sector. That is why the doors of dialogue close. The 
Catalans, on the one hand, think about leaving Spain, while the Spaniards believe that the 
Catalans are unsupportive and selfish and choose to the right. As you can see, it is a 
conflict that goes on for a long time and that nobody wants to resolve. The 
anti-capitalist and libertarian left has to take sides in this matter because it is 
central today in Spanish public life. from the army and the police to the entire Spanish 
ultranationalist sector. That is why the doors of dialogue close. The Catalans, on the one 
hand, think about leaving Spain, while the Spaniards believe that the Catalans are 
unsupportive and selfish and choose to the right. As you can see, it is a conflict that 
goes on for a long time and that nobody wants to resolve. The anti-capitalist and 
libertarian left has to take sides in this matter because it is central today in Spanish 
public life.

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/31628
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S  N E W S  S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
Subscribe/Unsubscribe http://ainfos.ca/mailman/listinfo/a-infos-en
Archive: http://ainfos.ca/en