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Date Fri, 13 Jul 2018 09:50:52 +0300

Our starting point ... ---- The intention of this text (without claiming to be something long and deep) is to contribute, somewhat, to the reflection on the struggle and resistance of the Kurdish people. It is not part of a closed intention, much less as the "owner of the truth", but rather of the proposal of open reflection and with firm feet on historical and theoretical contextualizations that depart from the very battle front; through the militants who run the world in search of ample solidarity with the struggle and resistance of the Kurdish people in struggle. Much has been said in the last few months mainly when the US and Russian warlike support in the anti-ISIS process was reported. Reflecting on this "support" in a closed, scrawny and mechanical way can lead us to the mistake of neglecting the potential for confrontation and the seriousness and firmness in the project of Democratic Confederalism,

Wow, not closed, reflection ...

The process of Kurdish struggle came to be seen by the United States and Russia after the Kurds defeated the Islamic State / ISIS / Daesh in Kobane; for an obvious reason: It is the region of great interest because it is the passage of oil in the Middle East and, giving access to the sea, facilitates the gas flow of Russia etc.. It is at this time that the two countries begin to send arms and troops, using the speech that their support comes because the Kurds are fighting against the Islamic State / ISIS / Daesh. In fact, US support is not directly to the Kurds; the United States came to support the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), an international coalition against the Islamic State / ISIS / Daesh, which has Kurds, Arabs, Assyrians, Armenians, etc. In short, what the US is "supporting "Is the fight against" terrorism "; not the struggle for Kurdish liberation, which is more comprehensive than the struggle against the Islamic State / ISIS / Daesh. Proof of this is the fact that even while participating in the international coalition that also has Kurdish fighters, the US Department of Defense maintains several Rojava groups on its terrorism watch list. At the same time,

It is necessary to understand that within the movement of the Kurds there are several parties and groups; the PKK is influential but does not have full control. What we claim is not the whole of it, but what the left wing has built. This work comes from a long time, is a base work of decades. And it is to him that the left of the world needs solidarity. The entire Kurdish liberation movement is in dispute, by local and international forces. That is why the work of the socialists has been constant with the people, in order to transform culture, building self-defense and seeking to form an organization outside the State - deconstructing the idea that they have to claim independence and then form a Kurdish nation-state simply. When one tries to construct with the people the self-defense and the autonomy, is precisely so that these people do not remain hostage of governments and external forces at the moment the war ends. Marxist / anarchist / other critically-placed militants are aware of what the entrance of the United States and Russia entails; and know that after their conflict they will impose their measures- "It is very easy, and convenient for certain powers, to appropriate the struggle in Kobane for their own agendas. But as Salih Muslim and others said:the Kurds will not be anyone's mercenaries . No more fighting for the others. If people really want to support long-term democratic structures in the long run , they must undertake radical political actions, such as recognition of the Rojava cantons and their defense forces , as well as the elimination of the PKK from the list of terrorist organizations "(Dilar Dirik, activist in the Kurdish Women's Movement).

The strategy that seems to draw itself is to prepare the people for that moment. It is no coincidence that work is not only on the barricades, but rather on day-to-day work in still-populated cities and refugee camps. While a type of internationally representative policy is being made, and some forces prefer that sphere, by the general council of the cantons of Rojava, leftist militants are in the communes and popular assemblies with the people - in addition to the army. There are thus two powers in parallel, which still resembles the official (general council) and the power of the people being built. Currently, if the general council impose some measure from above, communes have the power to veto and put another measure into practice. Thosepowers are disputing and, when one speaks of revolution, what is being said is that, after the liberation of the Kurds, the idea is that it overcomes the power of the people - with autonomy, democratic confederalism, freedom for women, self-defense of the people . It is this work of strengthening the people for self-defense and autonomy and against the patriarchy that we must claim!

We must defend this project of revolution and emancipation aimed at and within the limits, put into practice by the socialist wing; especially with regard to women, affected more particularly by patriarchal culture than we do here in our bourgeois societies - for example, there was still a crime of honor, forced marriages and women forbidden to use the street space. Despite all the regrets, after this process and even if the revolution does not avenge, Kurdish women will never be the same, Kurdish men will never be the same, Kurdish people will never be the same!

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