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Date Sat, 7 Jul 2018 11:06:51 +0300

"In the constant international destabilization and turbulence of systemic political constants, the great potentialities of revolutionary emancipation are born. Against them, the counter-revolutionary far-right and fascist facet of modern totalitarianism is already constituted to become the ultimate barrier to the evolution of social history that advances through the unceasing struggle for freedom and equality. War and Fascism, this is the system's "response" to its total and profound crisis, to its own contradictions, caused by the irrepressible conflict imposed by its basic principle, exploitation and oppression of man by man. " ---- From the proclamation of the Second Congress of November [2016] ---- The disintegration and complete bankruptcy of the state of the state and capitalism, as it develops in the modern environment of the global systemic crisis, is a limit for the time of its global integration, and at the same time a precondition for the intensification of the intra-imperialist contradictions and the consequent increase in the threat of war .

Nationalism, in these times in particular, is called upon to play its special role dynamically, in the ideological preparation of societies, so that they accept a warring consensus and the oppressed masses be included in their strategic plan of interdependence.

The fascist partisan and his teams can undertake various dirty work, depending on the period. Forces that will set up anti-eradication fans as "gangs" as gangs that kill assaulted and slaughter refugees and immigrants by targeting them as internal enemies and, of course, as the vanguard of nationalist criticism. The new "vision" of domestic fascism is based on the attempt to tame the small Nazi groups together with their common matrix, the Golden Dawn, into a "mass" nationalist zombie, supposedly "anti-government" features that hold opposition, not of course in the classroom and against the oppressors of this world, but in the national question using the rhetoric of betrayal.

An indispensable prerequisite for the rise of the far-right is the diffusion of nationalist sentiment into large sections of society. In the management of the nationalist feeling of society, however, the upper hand, the first and final reason, was and would continue to be left to him by the state and the oppressive class at his helm.

The reappearance of "Macedonian" as a key national issue results from a synthesis of different power needs. The bourgeoisie of the country deserves the depth of relations with its traditional allies, namely the Euro-Atlantic / NATO axis. In particular, in a period such as the current geopolitical liquidity stemming from developments in the Middle East and other fronts, the need to bind Greece in even more direct and non-negotiable terms to the chariot of the West becomes imperative. Not primarily, as national geopolitical analysts assure us, because it is looking for a strong protector against Turkish expansionism, but because when the deck begins to re-share, then it is of utmost importance in which chair you will sit on the scraped sheet.

The "Macedonian" is, therefore, the best issue at the moment, which is used as a prelude to the ratification of Greek-NATO-EU relations.

This is the framework on which the AA's groups prioritized the assumption of responsibility in order to create resistance movements in state / nationalist plans.

These moves began in Thessaloniki, as the first nationalist rally was announced there. In the context of the preparatory / propaganda actions, posters of the "Black & Red" and "Libertatia" collections were printed, with corresponding texts, along with other groups, a rally and motorbike was organized before the rally, while the AP teams directly contacted comrades from the Balkans. The culmination of this campaign was the call of the AP teams to the anti-nationalist concentration of Kamara on Sunday, January 21, 2018, the day of the Nationalist rally.

From the very first moment, we realized the need for an open call, the day of the rallies. The opponent against whom we were called to confront would not be limited to the small groups of Fascists and Nazis, but would be expressed by the state choices as a whole, with the implications and of course not just the police and a possible repression but the a host of the national torso that appeared (church, army, police, cultural clubs, ND, etc.).

By defining the goal beyond the fascist groups, since the diffusion of nationalism would be the river in which they could swim, we realized that the only way out to get a position of confrontation would be a call that would attempt to rally social forces, comrades, but also people beyond the anarchist groups and organizations that realize that the nationalistic and fascist characteristics of the rally are designed to deceive and cannibalize oppression serving only the interests of the powerful, and would thus be given the opportunity to support this call to express its opposition to nationalist rhetoric.

In other words, the AP's teams read in the situation that in the bulk of the rally, only another social anti-cluster could be countered. In order to serve this political perception, our public presence on the day of the rally was a necessary commitment for us to argue that the anarchist struggle can not always choose the days of conflict or confrontation. As a revolutionary movement, our absence from the streets on the "day of the crisis" we believe would not only signal the acceptance of political and organizational insufficiency towards the nationalist milieu that occupied the public domain but would have the prospect of creating the necessary rival awe, if we ourselves judged that we can not stand against the whole of the national / fascist cluster,

The magnitude of the response to the first rally call in Thessaloniki was an open bet, but it would be more a possibility, a path that can be opened by walking. However, this choice was not made in calculations but was inspired by a political direction: it is generally known that every revolutionary movement must be reconciled with the idea that - until at least the moment of its triumph, which is just one of many historical potentials - remains a minority stream in society. Reconciliation with this reality must in no case be turned into a logical defeat, fear or retreat. What can be a good criterion for our every move is to broaden the political and social impact through each of our choices.

Thus, based on this view, the concentration of Kamara is considered to have succeeded in a series of seekers, dominated by the shaping of a visible social, class and internationalist pole with the initiative of the forces of the anarchist movement, which in fact constituted the only political space that organized the public opposition to the whole of the nationalist / patriotic block. Also, the public concentration of Kamara has highlighted the virtually chauvinistic nature of various structures that want to refer to the Left, while demonstrating the overwhelming embarrassment and inaction of the Left in taking a direct stance against nationalist hysteria. At the same time, he exerted strong pressure on the leaders of parts of the extra-parliamentary left to at least follow / flank the corresponding anarchist / communist initiative, a few days later, in Athens.

Here we want to note that for us the concentration in Kamara also wanted to highlight the historical path of the direction of anarchist premisses in more widespread social audiences. If at the 1992 rallies the absolute adoption of the nationalist frenzy as a state policy by the bourgeoisie and its political staff did not allow the establishment of a public anti-demonization under the burden of overwhelming repression, 26 years later, the struggles that it has the anarchist movement managed to change a series of correlations and to define public intervention as a possibility. This is a conquest for us.

On the other hand, as is known when such state-of-the-art projects by the state and the partisan - such as the geopolitical upgrading of the Greek bourgeoisie - are exacerbated by nationalism as a counterbalance to a more advantageous solution, and the development within that framework the fascist discourse - the risk of a blow, especially against those who will try to openly open, has many chances. In the vacuum of the security plan (since Libertatia's comrades chose to strengthen the concentration of Kamara to stand with their comrades / peers on the road and commit themselves to an open and public move of total political confrontation with the national body) and given the impetus of police coverage and the fascist osmosis of the rally,

Burning a structure or even worse situations is always a possibility in the battle against the state and fascism. The only way that this, of course, of enormous significance, would not take destructive proportions (similar to the damage to the building) would only be with the unwavering and united solidarity of the movement against the occupation, leaving its first word account of the occupation group - who also accepted the blow and paid a heavy price - or at least dissociating possible criticisms (which would necessarily have included many speculations) from the non-negotiable policy solidarity in a struggle struggle of the anarchist movement that was fired by fascists.

The arson of some occupation was not an originality that had been unveiled on Jan. 21, many times, such attacks have been manifested, sometimes with devastating effects.

As a negative event, it is the destruction of a fascist occupation, yet in the days immediately following the burning of Libertatia, the brutal act of co-operation between state-partisan-nazi-bosses and cops could be a springboard for the upgrading the conflict of the anti-fascist movement with the fascists and the state. Before anything else, the course set up the next day by gathering about 2,000 protesters showed that anti-fascist reflexes can cluster the world of struggle. At the same time, the encirclement of the course from the beginning, its exclusion and its strike by the MAT in the first turn, revealed in the most blind the absolute connection of state, government and parastatals.

At the political level, two important processes emerged as a reaction to the burning of occupation, which served as a warning to all the anti-fascist forces fought: a) the exacerbation of the anti-fascist movement (many practical and various kinds of conflict movements with the fascists and the their allies took place in the immediate future), placing the whole world of the struggle in a state of not just alert but also counter-attack; and b) the political initiative to call for anti-concentration in Athens in view of the rally announced on 4 February.

The successful Propylaea concentration was a major movement of the movement, a point of reference and expression at the central level of the message of international solidarity, a valuable kin, as it became clear that the pole of opposition to states, nationalism and war can be formed in social clearing. The presence of more than 2,000 people in the Propylaea (in a period not characterized by the unraveling of large forces) has shown that the nationalist / fascist block will not play alone in the public space, forcing the state to operate once more as a champion of fascism against anti-fascists. So, it has just been discovered by a series of enemies and "friends" by clearing the landscape not in more general ideological terms but with politics on the pavement, where it finally seems to everyone who will go and who will leave. Who faced both the nationalist body and the SYRIZA primitive old man and who became the new fifth wheels in one or the other carriage of the unified, otherwise, bloc of power.

This design has been, as a way that has increased the potential of clustering forces. The defensive posture of space-saving but necessary if we consider it to be complementary to open-minded concentration could give (and gave at a central level) a picture of anti-fascist dynamics that contributed the most, so as to decisively impair the dynamics that the fascists wanted to show. The individual clashes then (EMPROS, Exarchia, etc.) showed that any attacks were not fortunate enough to expect a state and a partisan.

The next move, this time, would not only put a mound on the nationalist threat, but to reverse the political conditions, to show international solidarity as the only way for the peoples to fight against those who steal them life on any side of the border wherever they are and at the same time as a solidarity movement in the occupation of Libertatia that received the strike of a state-partisan was the Inter-Inter-Pan-Hellenic Solidarity course in the occupation of Libertatia summoned on March 10 in God Saxon.

The context with which the APOC invited and participated in the demonstration was based on two issues:

(a) internationalist solidarity against states, nationalism and war;

(b) solidarity without footnotes in the occupation of Libertatia.

The project of international solidarity was not just a slogan for our posters and banners, but a logical follow-up of the initiatives and collaborative struggles that OD attempted to set up with other anarchist and anti-political political organizations and initiatives in the The Balkans and around the world. The APA's participation in 5 consecutive IFA-IAF meetings in Ljubljana (April 2016), the IFA Conference in Frankfurt (August 2016), Rome (Spring 2017), the meeting of London (Autumn 2017) and the hosting of the corresponding meeting in Athens in late June 2018, the presence in two successive anti-fascist demonstrations in Sofia, Bulgaria (February 2016 and February 2017) the participation in political events in Constantinople after a call for "Anarchist Revolutionary Action" (DAF - Jan. 2018) and in Mexico after our response to the Women's Zapatista Women's Call for the First Women's Meeting (March 2018), as well as the meeting with Macedonian comrades and other Balkan countries in view of nationalist rallies. From the point of view of international solidarity, the course of March 10 was an opportunity for the oppressed Balkans and not only to protest together against war, nationalism, fascism, capitalism and modern totalitarianism.

Simultaneously, an obvious peak in solidarity squat Libertatia, not only for all the reasons developed above, outlining what we believe was the essential symbolism of burning occupancy during conduct of the nationalist rally, but why exactly 10 theMarch would also be an opportunity to bring together the anarchist and anti-authoritarian movement on a nation-wide basis based on the project of international solidarity, the defense of occupations and struggles struggling variously by a state and a partisan to form a dynamic policy response to the rise of fascism, nationalism and state repression. A demonstration that her volume would enter as a gear to the various dynamics that make up the mechanism of modern barbarism.

The demonstration was really massive, counting about 4,000 people, was a central anarchist political response, while moving virtually across the city center made its presence more than felt. The demonstration passed in front of SYRIZA's offices and approached the offices of Golden Dawn not only to demonstrate the responsibility for the cultivation of the nationalist frenzy and for the arson of occupation of Libertatia and the connection between the state and the partisans but only a few days after the attack on ESC Favela, the mobilization of the Great Powers of the Police to protect the Nazis from this course was indicative even at a symbolic level.


Today, about six months after the outbreak of nationalist hysteria on the occasion of Macedonian, and a few days after the ratification of the agreement between the Greek and the Macedonian states, we can say that the pursuit of the global political and economic elite still forms best conditions in the field of intra-imperialist competitions in the wider Balkan region, Eastern Europe and the South-East Mediterranean. Similarly, the binding of the indigenous bourgeoisie to the chariot of the Western block of sovereignty is overwhelmingly strong, and the emergence of an enhanced fascist and nationalist eum can be the "critical mass" the masters sought to function as their vanguard in the social and class conflicts that will occur in the coming period,

For our part, realizing that the prospect of warring societies, poverty and impoverishment, the resurgence of nationalism and social order, will have devastating effects on mankind, and being convinced that class and international solidarity among peoples, the organized counter-attack of the exploited classes and the overthrow of the world of capitalism and the state at world level can shape the conditions for the creation of a society of prosperity, equality, peace and self iosynis without exploitation, interstate wars and disorienting competitions, we found ourselves with all our strength to internationalist-fascist concentrations of all previous time and so we intend to do wherever necessary. Together with thousands of fighters,

We welcome the thousands of protesters of anti-fascist, anti-war and internationalist mobilizations throughout Greece and abroad. The struggles in every corner of the earth indicate that the international attack from the bottom, the International of Races and Anarchy is being sought in the face of the international attack on the state and capital.

We continue on the road of struggle, where the nationalist block and the fascist manhole that accompanies it struggle to lift its head. We send a message of international solidarity to our comrades in the Balkans and internationally. Only the strengthening of our common struggles can sweep the fascist threat.

Anti-fascist and internationalist barricades will remain the bright beacon of solidarity and struggle, keeping the flame of the Social Revolution on fire and living the vision of Anarchy and Liberal Communism.


Federation of Collectives

JULY 2018
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
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