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(en) France, Alternative Libertaire AL #284 - Interview, Yannis Youlountas (libertarian filmmaker): "A symbolic removal of power, before its political destitution" (fr, it, pt)[machine translation]

Date Fri, 6 Jul 2018 07:16:30 +0300

On the occasion of a projection on April 22 in Chalon-sur-Saône, AL Dijon went to meet Yannis Youlountas who was roadshow of its 3 e film, Love and Revolution. He gave us a video interview. Here are some excerpts: ---- Libertarian alternative: Is there a continuity between this film and the precedents you have made[1] ---- Yannis Youlountas: Yes, it is obvious filiation especially in terms of characters, the field, in this case the social movement in Greece in its diversity, with of course a little more anarchists than others, but it must be said that they are fairly well represented in Greece. ---- No longer live as slaves was a rather spontaneous film, for which " we turned the wheel of the camera in video mode ", to switch in the cinema because the photo and the articles were not enough any more to account for this that was happening.

For I fight so I am, we proposed a parallel with Spain, Catalonia and Andalusia in particular, but we made some progress at the technical level I think.

We wanted to get back to basics with this third film because, often, people have a deadly and violent vision of the revolution, while it is power, society and especially capitalism that are violent and deadly. . So, we wanted to show the opposite situation in reality: there are people who fight for life, the human, the earth ; and this society, on the other hand, is deadlocked. That's why love and revolution is so important to us.

In the face of Syriza's betrayal, what is the reaction of social movements in Greece ?

They are more radical than before that's for sure. This experience was obviously useful because it made it possible to unmask a political strategy that was once again in an impasse and wasted time on the social movement in Greece, which chloroformed the struggles. After that, it does not mean that the places were no longer working: occupations, initiatives of all kinds, including solidarity (self-managed medical dispensaries, free social kitchens) worked of course. In particular, we welcomed migrant women and migrants who came in large numbers from the summer of 2015, precisely after the capitulation. But it was only in the autumn of 2016 that the social movement was really much more powerful, active on many issues, for example against seizures of housing.

The social movement has therefore taken its autonomy ?

That's it. In fact, autonomy is to no longer believe in ourselves, that is to say in our capacity to take control of our own lives, to organize, to struggle, to resist and to to be in solidarity because solidarity is part of the struggle. " The only way to save yourself is to fight to save all others " said Kazantzákis [2]and it is valid on the ground in Greece with the migrants who allow us to build a new International, between Greeks and with solidarity people who come from the rest of Europe to help on the spot. All of this is coming together on a front line against the hardening of capitalism and the hardening of authoritarian society.

And against the hardening of the social movement, what is repression ?

In Greece as in France, there is more and more violence of power and of course also violence from its police auxiliaries, the Fascists. They are everywhere in the service of power while claiming to be an opposition to it, they are the spare wheel of capitalism and also the means of diverting anger towards scapegoats.

Here are some concrete examples of the links between police and fascists: during the first film, we showed a self-managed place (Synergie), which was destroyed by the fascists shortly after the shooting. At the time of this violent action, the fascists were preceded by four police motorcycles who left after the destruction and the beating of our companions.

Second example: Pávlos Fýssas " Killah P ", an anti-fascist singer, was murdered by neo-Nazis on 18 September 2013, and witnesses confirm that the police were present even before the murder at the scene of the crime and that they discussed with the murderer. That's why it's really important to fight capitalism and fascism at the same time. These are two struggles that are complementary and inseparable [3].

And actions on the side of the revolutionaries ?

In the red neighborhood of Exarcheia, squats have been multiplied since September 2015 because of the arrival of migrant women and migrants, with the aim of offering them something other than the atrocious camps that were built, especially under French influence. following the visit of Bernard Cazeneuve to Greece, who, after the EU - Turkey agreement, launched the transformation of hotspots into detention camps and even detention camps.

There is of course the anti-fascist struggle which is very important, there is a[...]group that participated, with the self-managed medical dispensary, in the reconquest of the main Fascist district in Athens[...]. And even if recently there have been incendiary attacks against this local [4], the neighborhood is at least well maintained.

There is also the group Rouvikonas (Rubicon in French), named after a river that should not be crossed in ancient Rome otherwise it was the beginning of the end. This is a little bit what is said by this group: the power has gone too far, the offensive will be total even if for the moment it is not the direct action of the 1970s or the end of the 19th centurycentury, so no physical attacks on power. But on the other hand, there is an attack at the same time material and symbolic against the power. Material with the destruction for example of the files of the over-indebtednesses[...], then at the same time a symbolic attack which is very important too, because the power, it is above all a symbolic representation which leads us to the servitude voluntary, with people who are placed on a pedestal, who are sacralized under the pretext of a decorum, a set of regal traditions that make one submit to them.

So, to remove power politically, it starts with the destitute symbolically, to desecrate it. There are not only situations of very hard crises that lead the oppressed to question themselves, it is not only the critical time that leads to the time of criticism, it is also the social imaginary which is working, especially in our relationship to power and those who decide in our place of our lives.

This relationship to power is also played with the mainstream media ?

Yes. In Greece, the report to the media of power is even more firm and radical than in France. I think there is a big difference, although of course many people are boycotting the power media, and that's good. In Greece, most groups do so. Rouvikonas, in particular, instrumentalises the media of power in the following way: he does not frequent them but puts on line regularly his own videos in relation to the actions he leads, also attacking very important places of power (which can not not hidden beings of the public), putting online also releases on Indymedia. Therefore, the power media in particular can not hide these events and in addition, as Rouvikonas has always delivered the images to illustrate his words and well, they use the only images that exist,

A parallel to be made between Greece and France ?

In Greece, I think that the two most powerful phenomena that we see today, it is especially this radicality in the direct action and this new internationalism with the migrants and the migrants and the people in solidarity. It's a little bit that maybe missing today in France, it's this meeting of people from all over, even if, on the Zad for example, we can find that. In France you have a very interesting opportunity because you have a character at the head of the state that is really the caricature of what is actually power. That's good, you do not need to unmask the power since he himself is unmasked, he is identified as such. Macron is the very archetype of today's leaders in finance, economics and politics. And he's pedantic, he's arrogant, finally he has exactly the character trait that allows him to criticize and make fun of him. And finally he chose to attack everyone at the same time and that is very good because usually, the power divides to better rule. There, at the same time, he attacks self-managed houses for migrant and minor migrants, especially in Brest. [5], he hit the zadists, he hit the students, the pensioners.are struck in the wallet too, the railwaymen, the postmen and many others, the social security that affects still everyone, it's really an interesting opportunity to create a convergence of struggles against power in general.

Interviewed by Thomas and Gabriel (AL Dijon)

[1] Do not live as slaves anymore in 2013 and I fight so I'm in 2015, also available for free on the Internet ?

[2] Greek writer known for his novel Alexis Zorba

[3] " Greece, plays reveal the close links between Golden Dawn and the police ", Liberation.fr.

[4] Since this interview, the Greek fascists have again attacked, to follow on the blog of Yannis: blogyy.net

[5] Brest.mediaslibres.org

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