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(en) alas barricadas: More libertarian voices from Nicaragua: "our anarchist tendency is minority, but not weak or testimonial" (ca) [machine translation]

Date Sat, 25 Aug 2018 11:06:50 +0300


After 4 months of protests in Nicaragua, news arrives that they are loosening and that the repression is intensifying, with new arrests taking place. In mid-August COPEL-Mangua was presented with the healthy intention of extending the protests (which from the beginning have had a strong anti-repressive motivation) to the organization within the prisons: ---- Coordinator of Presxs in Lucha - Managua ---- COPEL Managua twitter: @copelmanagua ---- To the people of Nicaragua: ---- We have received with joy the news that a new Nicaragua is determined to carry out a necessary historical process capable of inspiring a new course in humanity. ---- New brothers and sisters have come to our lives, we felt alienated. They made us believe that we were apathetic and selfish. We have all mobilized, conscience and effort to break the ropes of this suffocating reality of the Ortega-Murillo government. Some have put their lives in the middle and every day we remind them and help us not to let us win. Others have gone through the presidios and we know the reality of Chipote. Some of us have managed to leave but not before our most intimate humanity has been vexed, they have forced us to sign documents and make statements under torture and after that we keep on lists and we know that we are watched.

To the political prisoners our most powerful weapon that we can grant is solidarity, since the COPEL proposes:

Hunger strikes behind the walls.
Massive letters sent to prisoners showing affection that COPEL will make public so that they know they are not alone, that we need them, we want to touch their hands. Send images, text and video to copelmanagua@tutanota.de
Accompany the needs of our new mothers of this new Nicaragua who do not leave Chipote. That they feel sheltered.
#Abajolosmurosdelasprisiones

Although Ortega has stimulated some action that aims to show commitment to the needs of the people, such as the occupation of land by unemployed people (in some cases owned by members of the opposition), many sectors of the left openly criticize not only its "management" of the crisis, but its policies. In the last communication of the EZLN ( 300 ) the conflict in Nicaragua is mentioned in this way:

We continue to Central America (where in Nicaragua Shakespeare is reissued, and the couple Macbeth, Daniel and Rosario, ask themselves " Who would have imagined that the old man (Sandino) had so much blood on his body?" While trying, in vain, to cleanse himself hands on a red and black flag)
* * *
We have tried to look for libertarian voices that give us their perspective of the conflict. In this case we present the answers given by people who have participated in the university protest movement and that can help us to get a better idea of what is happening in Nicaragua and the role the anarchists have played.

The language we know limits and captures the powers of the current movement, but the risk of not naming an anarchist tendency or affinity to libertarian ideas has caused the denial of the existence of a living current within the movement.

present yourself

I am from a country with few inhabitants and personal identification data is not a luxury that we can afford. They want to identify us, they have a problem they say for the kingdom of Spain. Well, that.

Contact: amigaseverinas@tutanota.com amigaseverinas@paranoici.org

How would you summarize with a few words what is happening in Nicaragua?

At the moment that this document is being prepared, what is happening the government is trying to project towards the international gallery is that the rebellion has been stifled. This statement is not entirely true but neither is it false. In these moments, for the joy of a good part of the civic alliance or dialogue table, a process of cleanliness and order is being carried out. The private company can no longer maintain the farce that they have imported human rights, their participation as opposition was merely opportunistic. At this moment what is happening in Nicaragua is a double awakening, which we have to take advantage of is the one that distrusts the national police, of which the term "pesca shit" gives faith and the second is the one that points to the COSEP as guilty of the origin and preservation of state brutality.

"[...]in the twenties of this century, more than a century of popular rebelliousness was culminated in Nicaragua, betrayed almost always by the local oligarchs" Carlos Fonseca (the intelligent, not his son)

The first phase took 10 years, the second involves a deeper reflection process. If the improvised popular committees know how to organize themselves as the situation requires, we could enter a more complex phase if possible. For many of those involved there is no choice, there is no freedom to choose: either you keep fighting or you are eliminated and there is no exile that takes you far enough from the pain.

Are we faced with a government of a liberal nature - which has underpinned liberalism - or with a government that benefits the people (despite corruption)?

The Nicaraguan government, until the events of April, was part of that constellation of self-proclaimed progressive governments (it is the most entrenched term and we can see that Nicaragua has sent a delegation of these Progressive Latin American Meetings). The term left is the least problematic. If the left refers to the fact that the party is a kind of social catalyst for the emancipation of the workers, it is not from the left.

In other words, we are faced with a government that, in discursive terms, maintains a rhetoric of the left and appeals to the recent history of Nicaragua while in practice the pragmatism of any representative democracies reigns and in the absence of a counter-power cash has gone straight. This is evident against the events of recent days and its genesis would be in the approval of the free trade agreement Cafta-DR (2004) in the National Assembly with the votes of the Sandinista bloc.

Now, what have been your social and economic policies? In the best case plans of redistribution of wealth as zero hunger in the period 2007-2010 that coincides with the first term, the theoretical commitment was exciting because it gave greater prominence to women in the management of the family economy. It also happens that since its inception autonomy has not been respected and there is no popular control that promoted the opacity of these resources, in this sense we refer to the report of the Venancia group called "Zero Citizenship?". Having the resources and social support was the ideal moment to at least consider the need for an agrarian reform in which women had a renewed role, but that did not happen, it was never part of the party's agenda. In this example,

We must recognize that we came from three legislatures of neoliberal character headed by Violeta Barrios, Arnoldo Aleman and Enrique Bolaños. This period was used to sell the railroad, cut public sanitation in half, reinstate illiteracy as public policy and obey the word of the north. The three previous governments on the Sandinista front did not worry at all about creating new ideas, social projects, some people of legal age did not even have an identity card. The most avant-garde of those parties was their corruption, I would dare to say that the front has not reached those levels of corruption as divert funds from the hurricane mitch for their own benefit. No, the main problem on the front is not corruption, at least comparatively.

Until before the events of April, the Nicaraguan government had continuity characteristics with the previous neoliberal governments but that bet on reforming them towards developmentalist and neo-extractive models that are visible in the protests of the mines, the advance of the agricultural frontier and the expropriation of land for the canal. These changes were presented as revolution or second stage of revolution when we insist that the structural causes that generate depauperization have not been questioned in the least. A whole socialist government!

It is meritorious to say that Ortega's strategy has been from the beginning on the one hand to pacify the streets through its parapolitical forces and on the other to negotiate at the top with the private enterprise and the yellow unions, always from above with the traitors of their class. It is easy to argue the latter when we see that the third in the line of government mandate just behind Murillo is Gustavo Porras, forever boss of the union FNT since 1984 and current president of the national assembly.

After the April events that have dragged on without a ceasefire, we must abandon any idea of a leftist or progressive government. When the existence of people is systematically violated and the dissidence and their families are persecuted with threats, coercion and torture, even once exiled, we face a totalitarian state. Different from other democracies in the region? This is where we can err in the analysis and fall into the criticism of CNN / Telecinco. No, it is a model of government whose moment of participatory splendor is given every five years. This is called bourgeois democracy, liberal parliamentarism and is completely comparable to other forms of government in the region. Hardly, from an honest anarchist point of view, we can distinguish the Honduran Public Order Military Police in the streets, the Temer army in Brazil, the state terrorism in Colombia of the parapolicial / paramilitary actions of Nicaragua. When you hear that Daniel Ortega is a dictator is the perfect excuse to invite foreign invasions, he is not a dictator, he is a democrat as despicable as any Netanyahu or Jimmy Morales. Serve this to reveal the low level of perception of democracy in terms of the common, when from the Roman Empire is understood that state of exception = dictatorship. Fortunately, for the anarchists representative democracy and dictatorship are just ways in which domination is presented to the spectacle. When you hear that Daniel Ortega is a dictator is the perfect excuse to invite foreign invasions, he is not a dictator, he is a democrat as despicable as any Netanyahu or Jimmy Morales. Serve this to reveal the low level of perception of democracy in terms of the common, when from the Roman Empire is understood that state of exception = dictatorship. Fortunately, for the anarchists representative democracy and dictatorship are just ways in which domination is presented to the spectacle. When you hear that Daniel Ortega is a dictator is the perfect excuse to invite foreign invasions, he is not a dictator, he is a democrat as despicable as any Netanyahu or Jimmy Morales. Serve this to reveal the low level of perception of democracy in terms of the common, when from the Roman Empire is understood that state of exception = dictatorship. Fortunately, for the anarchists representative democracy and dictatorship are just ways in which domination is presented to the spectacle. when from the Roman Empire it is understood that state of exception = dictatorship. Fortunately, for the anarchists representative democracy and dictatorship are just ways in which domination is presented to the spectacle. when from the Roman Empire it is understood that state of exception = dictatorship. Fortunately, for the anarchists representative democracy and dictatorship are just ways in which domination is presented to the spectacle.

What, in your opinion, were the triggers of the events?

The historicist or fatalistic exercise should not be our work or projection. Let the intellectuals in their offices dedicate themselves to rewriting history. As the collective Tiqqun says "All the reasons for making a revolution are there, there is no lack ... All the reasons are gathered, but it is not the reasons that make the revolutions, they are the bodies. They are in front of the screens "At times we left those screens and went from the show to the limelight.

To return to the question, the roots of state impunity could be sought in colonial stories, but for practical purposes we can grant that the protests against the tax reform promoted by the IMF and that affects popular interests and private enterprise coincide in time with the liberation of the living forces of society. We recognize that there is a process of amplification of the facts dependent on the machinery of the media opposed to the Ortega-Murillo government, which had not tangled their personal interests in the organic protest would not have had the same multiplier effect or the same potential of change whose course is still to be defined. It is not the reforms or the marches that initiate the events but the effects on the bodies of the demonstrators, that neither the government nor the oligarchy can effectively control. It is disproportion the fundamental fact. In this sense and being honest it is a movement whoseorigin is rebellious, not revolutionary. The demonstrations have contradictory signs, partial demands and even a transversal component that has hardly built a political proposal beyond the (necessary but insufficient) criticism of human rights.

At the top an inter-bourgeois crisis is taking place in which the right to subjugation of the population is disputed on the one hand by the traditional oligarchy whose visible head is COSEP 1 and on the other by the new bourgeoisie formed from the generosity VenezuelanDenying the existence of one of those parties and which are currently in contradiction would do us a disservice. In a veiled manner, the government has declared war on the opposition, which to a large extent is a mirror of the Sandinista bourgeoisie. With regard to this new bourgeoisie, we should remember that they have positioned themselves in key sectors such as energy, private security, tourism and finance. The case of alba caruna is a case to analyze thoroughly in which the financial capital disguises itself as a human face, when the destiny to social projects (that non-socialists) barely reached a third. Under the pretext of local development called the second revolution, the agency of globalized capitalism takes place.

The origin of the social crisis, at the bottom, is the disproportionate use of force to repress demonstrations that were weakly capable of destabilizing the government. At this point comes the most intense reflection that we must do. Why the disproportionality in the use of force? Why use lethal weapons? In any Nicaraguan urban house, in all the analyzes the same story is repeated with equal perplexity, but it is only if we listen to the traditionally excluded communities as the groups of women, indigenous people, peasants and miners that perplexity becomes obvious. It is 10 years of carrying out practices of siege, intimidation and discrediting those identities that for the government have never ceased to be agents of the empire. If an independent union clamored for the law of outsourcing was an agent of the empire, if the police exercised atrocities like the crimes of the jaguitas were the responsibility of destabilizing agents. We will have to see the prophetic words of the women who were part of the protests in which they correctly said in October of 2015 "Daniel Ortega died in the mine El Limón", this occurred in the context of the protests that claimed property rights of the B2Gold complex, if we follow the money, the production of wealth and debt we will find our definitive enemies.

Even so, the possibility of an insurrectional articulation of these magnitudes was posed as a 10-year possibility, our anarchist tendency is a minority and in the process of building alliances, but not weak or testimonial. You have to admit, they caught us. But, following this reflection and taking seriously the military-political strategic capacity of which the leadership of the Sandinista front still enjoys health, a tentative proposal of the present is born, a reading of the present in the Benjaminian sense. It was now the best scenario to establish the bases of an authoritarian state, with part of the militancy of the 80s still alive that associates the face of the party with its revolutionary history and are more susceptible to being deceived. The generational rupture of a demographically young country according to Murillo's calculations could still be insufficient, but it is this generational rupture that opens up emancipatory possibilities in which the greatest amount of popular participation is required. When the speeches of the party spokesmen are heard, the slogan of being a stronger party is repeated because they were able to identify those who truly owed them submission and those who could still have critical capacity. It is not the first time in history that these phenomena occur in which a centralist party is committed to making clean within their ranks. Saving the distances, we remember the campaign of the one hundred flowers Maoist and the Bolshevik betrayal of the soviets in favor of a party structure.

In these moments the power of the state apparatus has proven to be totally bowed to the presidential couple, continues to have sympathizers and above all the army is tamed, bought and constitutionally armored to defend national sovereignty. In a constitutional reform the doctrine of democratic security in favor of sovereign security was changed, the speech that it is a legitimate foreign intervention the participation of the army to defend the sovereignty .

Within the party a new company has been founded, that of state terrorism. At the time we recognize that it is a habitual form in other Latin American, North American and European democracies, what is unprecedented is the magnitude and the rapidity of turn towards an unnecessary a priori model. What is the preparation of the local, regional and transnational capital that needs so much militarization?

What kind of groups have led the protests? Who are in the lead?

The main role is collective and anonymous street struggles. Only from the intervention of the popular fury is that a negotiation threat established by the civic alliance and represented in the dialogue table is created. This dialogue table serves as parliament, which delegitimizes the garbage of the so-called zancudo parties. We still do not understand why the COSEP, is part of that table when who has forced a counterpower has been the same people, initially as a student movement followed by massive support in the neighborhoods and all departments. Now, there are more legitimated leaders to be at that dialogue table such as the student bloc, peasantry, intellectuals and civil organizations. The greater visibility has been given disproportionately to virile voices and emptied not only content. Those who lead the movement are not going to see them in front of the microphones or the television cameras, for security, for strategy, for tactics and forhood ethic in which the importance of individual acts is reduced.

We live like lost children our incomplete adventures G. Debord
This question is the most complicated to answer since on the part of the government there is no fissure in matters of leadership, but everything that is not government is a mess. If leadership is the capacity to call, the leaders are self-appointed. If leadership is the one that manages the capital, the leaders are the COSEP. If the leadership is the one who grants more interviews, it can be from German Lesther to Doña Chica going through the flirtation of Piero Coen. The protests in each neighborhood have leaderships that can be said spontaneous, but which are rotating. If you ask me about the cultural hegemony in networks, @mapachejambado has it, but we must consider that Internet access in Nicaragua is the lowest in Central America.

What do you know about the towns that, like Masaya, proclaimed their self-government? Could it be similar to the Popular Committees of Syria?

The short experiences that led self-governments in Masaya and León find more similarities in practice with the neighborhood juntas of the October uprising in Bolivia or the Iranian shoras, but in our case we do not have even by far the war tools of the latter and for the moment the bet is still a civic exit, that is to say without the use of lethal weapons.

Ways of relation to the margin of the capital were given whose objective was the defense, the cleaning of the streets and the coordination of barricades. The brief period of this spontaneous organization is perhaps what we should most hope for. The self-criticism of why in the table of self-government of Masaya was all male, but in the universities the participation of women and other non-hegemonic forms of gender were protagonists.

Seeing who leads the opposition, is there any possibility of a change on the left?

There is a confusion in this regard, the experiences of defending neighborhoods, universities and towns through the lifting of barricades are what cause the clock to get going. The opposition, which is really national sovereignty, belongs to the people. Our referents are Doña Chica, the vandalism grandmother and those communicated to the commissioner Avellán. It is absurd to think that someone is leading the mother of Gerald Vázquez, his pain is our pain, it is impossible to abandon the fight or lead us. Another thing very different is who is wanting to take advantage of us. Although it is necessary to say that there is no revolutionary project in ideological terms, it has been more rebellious.

The maximum exponent of this confusion is inhabited in the body of Victor Cuadras, whose short biography invites to distrust to a maximum degree: first he was part of the Sandinista youth and later meets with right-wing senators and the Salvadoran ARENA party. Let's see if he fits the next flash of Carlos Fonseca (the audacious, not his son):

"We are alone, the cause of Nicaragua has been abandoned[...]The American money, on the other hand, buys people and interposes influences to restrict news abroad; and that isolation annihilates us.[...]We needed it, not weapons or money or cartridges, but moral support[...]We were overwhelmed by the silence, the isolation, the desperation to remain ignored. "

IT CAN ONLY BE CHANGED BY THE LEFT, the right is incapable of articulating a speech or articulating itself to give it the exit that the peasants of Lóvago deserve. The right is incapable of seeing the complexities that arise, of putting itself before its individual interests and agglutinating the emancipatory desires. On more than one occasion these alliances have had results that we continue to pay.

But, if a purism without contradictions is expected from this movement, we would be saints or liars. Even so, many people feel uncomfortable and have come to hate the term left. If to be an Ortegaist is to be left, if being in Bolivia is to be left, if being from the Uruguayan broad front is to be left but it would be better to leave that term forever, it is as much as to say HUSITA, a total anachronism.

The movement from the beginning claims to be self-convened, whose method mistrusts the institutions, precisely with the aim of unmasking them and opposing the practices of exclusion and domination. Autoconvocado is the one who places his home as an emergency health center, the little boy who passes water to university colleagues and so many individuals who want to resume their lives. In this sense, Madeleine Caracas said at the time that she wanted a new nicaragua to return to her production of plastic arts. These behaviors and personalities are the ones who lead the heart of the insurrection.

The dialogue table is the attempt of cooptation by parties that can be contradictory with the government but not antagonistic except the most authentic participation of the peasant leader Medardo Mairena. Above, it is a person who is uncomfortable to the traditional oligarchy and the new oligarchy for which for the moment and for lack of another name we will use the term boliburguesía.

The fall of Ortega, would not open the way to a worse regime for the people? What options do you see?

"The objective of any insurrection is to become irreversible, it becomes irreversible when you have defeated both authority and the need for authority." The invisible committee

On the one hand, what is posed to the fall of Ortega is a vacuum, but once seen the solidarity implementation of so many sectors there is no fear of freedom. There are those who still do not decide to support us because of the fear of disorder, because of the advent of brutal egoisms or vindications. We are conscious of these problems and they take away our sleep, but at the same time we know that they are pretexts for propping up tyranny.

Our proposal, is a confederal in which self-government is prioritized, spontaneously is what has been tried. Moving from the personal survival of persecution and jail to a moment of coordination of forces is the strategic work to be built. Break with the speech in which a hypothetical advance of the elections will magically purify the police, the army and demobilize the shock forces. Create consensus that are at least antifascist.

We understand that suspicion and obstruction of eyes are declared from the outside, a criticism with accompaniment is healthy and positive. One of the worst outings is that which the brother Argentine people are suffering. The criticism of the Kirchner period had a strong social movement, but with the arrival of the "new policy" macrista that same social movement was drowned by betrayal of its leaders and we see how the Macrist government has led to a setback of any progressive policy.

That is why the critique of corruption is the criticism that has its origin in the most liberal meritocratic discourse. In the same way, to focus all criticism on a clean-up of the magistracy by virtue of a right state has in its origin a thought of the one who already has some possession to claim. What would it be for the domestic worker to have impartial courts if she has no labor rights? Orient always towards the dispossessed. In this sense, the discursive accompaniment of the Argentine and Brazilian militants would be an eye-watch in the now into the future. We howl for you The threat of a change of government from above invites the failure of the revolution, the germ of the future is in the discourse of the present

What are the challenges?

There is a food crisis that affects the most impoverished, the immediate challenge is to procure bread for these sectors. As persecution, kidnapping and murder occur, the most impoverished people are being especially affected. This is where the self-appointed, grassroots Christians and more honest Sandinistas will meet, making sure that needs are met through cooperation, hand in hand without ecclesiastical charitable practices or institutional assistance. In general terms in the short term this process is taking place in silence, invisible to the government, to the media, and is as tragic as it is precious. It is not at all unreasonable to see that Masaya is becoming Sancti Spiritus whose Valeriano Weyler is the commissioner Avellán. It is worrisome that there is an agreement between official and traditional media not to mention this circumstance. Why silence in the face of hunger from the elites? Because the traditional oligarchy care less than anything and because the new oligarchy fears that it is a welcome for what Bricmont calledHumanitarian Imperialism. That is why, making self-criticism, the whole opposition with all its tendencies has focused on the discourse on human rights and the help governments of the region, as a paradigmatic example are the constant mentions of Ros Lethinen and his saber teeth or the massive applause Paula María Bertol at the UN Error! Only the people save the people, any intervention would only complicate the situation.

You also have to be sensible, for more trappings seductions that subjects like Zayda Hernández and Victor Cuadras have had or still have with the north does not mean that they decide the total foreign intervention or not, but if they level the land of the collective imagination in favor of a "lesser evil".

Articulate national forces strengthen the emancipatory discourse and generate proposals without risking life. The invisibility of authentic grassroots experiences are not part of official and Western media. To both tendencies it suits them to overrepresent individual subjects that bet by a reform, by the parliamentary route and by the lobbying with congressmen gringos. These media prefer to present the focus on empty voices of manhood will. They do not want us to do so, if this process generates any sympathy unless it is dedicated to seeking sympathy in the peasant, mining, indigenous and Afro-Caribbean movements. It invites to recognize the presence of an organic movement and not to judge the whole to an imperialist conspiracy. To believe that the advance of other powers such as the Chinese or the Russian to destabilize the gringos on the geopolitical board can per se improve the lives of women workers in the free zones by some simpler revisionism. In this topic we have been working, understanding from the anarchist point of view the theory of Marxist dependency (TDM), structural dualism and other concepts that serve as the basis for the greater idea-force Ortega-Murillo that is that we are in a Second stage of the revolution. We hope we can finish this analysis. Some of these ideologues that Ortega-Murillo has used met Deleuze, we smoke him. Jerónimo, you know who you were, who we are and what you have done.

In affinity circles we ask ourselves what will become of these people participating in state barbarism. Families and friends demand justice How to find justice without falling into punitive (which would equal us and then have won) or total amnesty? Before the victory is necessary to elaborate a praxis on the matter. Any previous theorizing is ideological puritanism, any lack of collective reflection is to fall into revolutionary excesses.

At the end of May Sergio Ramirez baptized us as the grandchildren of the revolution, but in all his analysis he sees us in the same way as this government: confused kids who do not know history or can not elaborate a future. Saying that "we are the grandchildren of a distant revolution but ABSENT IN MEMORY" or that "it is in the GENES" presents us as young (and not so young) that we run away from books when in reality we have always been so close to them, in the poetry festivals of Granada, still wearing uniforms without going through the house to not miss anything. We have read the living thought of Sandino, sometimes stealing books from our mothers' shelves, sometimes hacking into the memories page of Lasuchasandinista.org. Not a few of us know by heart the poems Ernesto Cardenal or Gioconda Belli. To those intellectuals we tell them to first listen without an instrument in our wounded bodies before speaking. Do not be wrong the respectable elderly, if the guard today points to our heads is because we bring light and that at any time will be dangerous.

"- You are a Republican.
- Republican, yes; but this word does not define anything. Res publica means public affairs ... Kings are also republicans. " Proudhon

In a sense we feel more heirs of Carlos Fonseca (the good, not the pseudo-intellectual of his son) of what the front is at the moment. Carlos never advised a terrorist tactic, we follow in his footsteps, it is the FSLN that has strayed so far from the path that our enemy has become. In many ways the thought of Carlos Fonseca is still valid although we are not heirs of his sobriety and his scowling.

We are heirs of the primitive Sandinista praxis, adding support with the battered lumpen to whom Sergio Miranda devotes his anger. Even so, we must learn from the most beautiful mistake of the Niquano Indian, not to agree with dictators, when any government speaks to you of peace, it flees. We want to return to our brushes, to become anonymous to live.

The biggest challenge is the ideological and organizational, the formation of committees, the feminization of self-defense. If the committee sounds too Rococo, there is the clique, the herd, the Bonnot gangs, the Warriors, clandestine nihilist groups, the psychological support groups, the associations of sportsmen, arming the war machine against the state-capital to the way in which the clubs were previous to the commune of paris.

We are at the mercy of the meetings.

1. Superior Council of Private Enterprise of Nicaragua. See conformation on your website .

http://alasbarricadas.org/noticias/node/40570
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