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(en) France, Alternative Libertaire AL Septembre - Politics: What is Macron the offspring? (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]

Date Tue, 3 Oct 2017 09:29:36 +0300

The last electoral sequence resulted in an upheaval in the political scene. A perfect unknown voters a little over three years ago was elected president. He will have easily effaced a FN condemned, as it is, to serve as a scarecrow. The newly founded Republic (LREM), founded in the spring of 2016, has shaken up the French political field. Back to the moment Macron. ---- The two big formations that had for more than thirty-five years shared the responsibilities of government saw their candidates eliminated in the first round of the presidential. If the right (LR-UDI) saved the furniture during the legislative with 131 deputies, it is hardly the case of the left PS which records the worst score of its history with 29 deputies. This first upheaval was accompanied by a profound renewal of the political staff [1].

The art of making old with new

This apparent change of scene masks profound continuities. The objective macronien displayed is to transcend the traditional divisions, which is achieved: the opposition that existed for decades between the right and left and has structured the political life no longer exists [2].

More than three decades later, the right and the left have succeeded one another in power to practice, in a few nuances, the same policies of neo-liberal inspiration (high structural unemployment, the development of precarious work, dismantling of the welfare state, intensity and productivity of labor, wage austerity ...) leading to worsening inequalities of all kinds, accompanied by security policies threatening public freedoms while attacking the immigrants of the popular strata, sowing consequently misery, despair, and resentment. All of this against the backdrop of a transnational circulation of capital, orchestrated by the EU, the WTO, the IMF [3], and so on.

These policies gradually discredited the governments that led them. Each new majority succeeded the previous one by making it appear that it would succeed where the previous one had failed, before the mediocrity of its own results, even its frank failure, led to its rejection for the benefit of its adversary who, a political virginity had been re-established in the opposition, enabling it at the appropriate moment to take up the torch to pursue the same course.

Under these conditions, there must necessarily come a time when, by dint of repetition, this false semblance of alternation would ruin itself. Where the credit of the former right and left-wing political parties would also be compromised by their repeated failures, while the so-called opposition of their orientations, which had hitherto made it possible to organize alternately an illusion of change by means of ... would appear to the greatest number for what it has become: the opposition between the white cap and the white cap.

This moment came as a result of Sarkozy's bling-bling quinquennium and the first gray and then frankly sinister of a Holland which, for having declared his desamer of finance, will remain as the author of the most sumptuous gifts made to employers [4].

Macron understood that the time had come not to pretend to oppose this right and left, both subjected to the neo-liberal model, and to profit from their common exhaustion in order to rally to him all the partisans of this model.

In order to judge the stakes of the current operation, the chances of its success and the means of countering it, we have to go behind this theater of shadows that is the political scene and scrutinize the depths of the changes at work between the social classes. What is being played is indeed only the latest adventure in the formation of a new dominant social bloc.

The formation of a new ruling class

At the end of the 1970s, in response to the economic crisis resulting from the Fordist regime of reproduction of capital, in the same way and under the competitive pressure of its counterparts of the other principal capitalist states, a part of the industrial, commercial and industrial bourgeoisie the French financial system has promoted and relayed, under the guise of neoliberal policies, the general movement of transnationalization of capital. But in order to consolidate its power over the laboring population, the question arose of the reconstitution, around it and under its direction, of a social bloc capable of assuring its hegemony, that is to say, its domination cultural basis from a substantial social base in the population.

Indeed, it has been necessary to rely on new socio-professional categories in order to find a " majority " for the dominant class in existence since the mid-1970s. Indeed, the liberalization of the circulation of capital in all its forms by abolishing national protections and protectionism of all types, deregulating markets, abandoning any redistribution of wealth at the national level, systematically competing with capital, workers, regional and national territories, undermined the the old social block on which, since the end of the XIX th century, the French bourgeoisie had based its domination. This is what is called " block of the propertied , Based on an alliance with the majority of the traditional middle classes (peasantry, small merchants and shopkeepers, clerical and commercial employees, small capital, liberal professions), politically represented by a group of formations of the right and the center , which was directed against the " partageux block " uniting the proletariat (proletarianized artisans, industrial workers) and different categories of nascent leadership, including its public fraction (teachers from primary, junior civil servants, etc. ), represented by the SFIO [5]in rivalry with the PCF.

The " sharing block " will reach the goal and at the same time commit suicide. Thus, in 1981, the left PS-PC came to power with a program which, behind a revolutionary verbiage, proposes to respond to the crisis by the continuation of the old model. Its failure in 1983 forced a part of the political elites (on the side of the PS) and trade unions (on the side of the CFDT) to also sink into the mold of neoliberal policies. This is the " European choice " [6].

The divorce between these elites and a major part of their social base, proletariat and management, will only increase as the political alternations allow them to regain power periodically.

Under these conditions, a new hegemonic bloc [7]was formed between, on the one hand, the fraction of the bourgeoisie impelling and directing the movement of transnationalization of capital, and, on the other hand, the upper and middle strata of management, public and private.

The continuing constitution of this bloc will have been favored by a number of socio-economic, political and ideological transformations induced by the process of transnationalization of capital itself. This will have contributed to the crisis of the workers' movement, its forms of organization and struggle as projects and utopias of social transformation.

Locked into a world image based on nation-states, the workers' movement has been caught unawares by the transnationalization of capital, bypassing and weakening the nation-state, thereby depriving it of any strategy - as we have seen in 1981. The French as well as the European left have either exhausted themselves to persist in this increasingly inoperative way or have converted themselves to the neo-liberal model because they have not anticipated the new dynamics of capitalism and its rising financial bourgeoisie.

This has weakened workers' ability to fight. It should be emphasized here that the left PS-PCF of the 1970s and 1980s contributed greatly to the disarmament of the workers by prioritizing the change by the elections to the detriment of the direct action on the places of work and of life. Competition among employees, the rise of individualism, passivity and political indifference have allowed passive consent to the defeat of the Left, which opened the way to the domination of a new bourgeoisie.

At the same time, the political and ideological scene was shaken from the mid-1980s onwards by the emergence of the FN. Its lasting settlement is itself explained by the break-up of the two former social groups of the right and left, depriving representatives and political representation of both a part of the traditional middle classes and a part of the wage-earning workers , workers and employees). Beneficiary of the crisis of the former social and ideological order, the FN will nevertheless have brought its stone to the establishment of the new. On the one hand, by helping to divide the workers, workers and employees by pitting one against the other wage earners who are reputed to be French nationals and wage earners who are stigmatized as foreigners (" immigrants " "), On the other hand, by serving as a scarecrow.

Such are the conditions and modalities of the establishment of the new bourgeoisie to which we are confronted. It will therefore punish all the workers hard ... Unless these last and last change the course of history. A story that struggles shape !

Rémi Ermon (Lorient) and Nico (Moselle) from an article by Alain Bihr * " France, the moment Macron ", to be read on Alencontre.org

Let's concentrate our shots !

What are their chances of success of the Macronian company ? As an asset, we can count on an absolute LREM majority in the National Assembly, flanked by allies of true right and false left won neoliberalism.

Its future will depend first and foremost on its ability to retain its electoral base, to conquer other institutional positions in the upcoming elections. What looks rather good, its sociological homogeneity and composition seem more promising than those of the PS and LR.

But these few assets of the Macronie must not mask its main handicap: the weakness of its social base. Minority within the population as a whole, Macronie is even for the moment within its own social base (cadres and intermediate professions). To reinforce its base and weld its base, it will be necessary to gain the bulk of the middle and lower layers of the frame. Until we have managed this operation, the domination of transnational financial bourgeois can only rely on the resignation of the majority of the exploited and dominé.es.

But this resignation is precarious. As was experienced with the strikes of 2003 and 2010 against the " reform " of pensions, in the spring of 2016 against the labor law. This conflictuality could manifest as early as this fall against the labor law.2 Or if not then, the planned counter-reforms will be the source of further social explosions.

Provided that resignation is undermined by the emergence of an alternative to neoliberalism, the priority of which is the development of solidarity at work and in the neighborhoods by organizations that claim to be socially transformed.

The present problem can be summed up as follows: to bring the popular classes into a new social bloc, that of workers, workers and employees with a part of the middle classes, capable of weighing through its struggles by making it credible again, emancipation.

[1] Almost three-quarters of the newly elected are in their first term. The average age increases from 54.1 years to 48.6 years and the Assembly has more than a third of women.

[2] Thus the government of Édouard Philippe includes people (in addition to LREM) from LR-UDI, Modem or PS. In reality, it is less genius than opportunism ...

[3] The EU (European Union), the WTO (World Trade Organization), the IMF (International Monetary Fund).

[4] The so-called " pact of responsibility and solidarity " (40 billion euros in full year).

[5] SFIO, French Section of the Workers' International, the ancestor of the PS.

[6] The commitment to reinforce the " European construction " as a solution to the crisis already serves as an alibi.

[7] On the historical bloc concepts and hegemony, a short book to understand its origins and those of his thinker Antonio Gramsci: Introduction to Antonio Gramsci, collection Insights, Discovery, 2013. 10 euros.

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