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(en) Bridges between anarchism and democratic confederalism - Part I by Bruno Lima Rocha - by Anarchism in PDF (Group)

Date Sat, 17 Sep 2016 19:30:40 +0300

Let's go translating and publishing the series of short articles "Bridges between anarchism and democratic confederalism" initiated by Bruno Lima Rocha, Professor of International Studies and Geopolitics University in southern Brazil, in collaboration with KurdishQuestion , and that attempts to show the similarities between classical anarchism specific federation and the model developed by the PKK. Here we leave the first part. We apologize in advance for any translation errors that may exist. ---- Women of Kurdistan ---- Introduction: discussing the model group and mission - 1 ---- Since the beginning of the siege of Kobanî by Daesh (ISIS) Kurdish left, and specifically the Rojava model of social organization they have been studied and followed by different organizations, activists and committed academic networks. I decided to collaborate with KurdishQuestion.com to produce a series of short articles to expose (and test) the similarities between the (also non - Western and) Western anarchist tradition and democratic confederalism. While one of my areas of study in which I focus is the political theory (and toería radical politics), I decided to help draw the parallels between the two roads and familiarize with each other. I hope this helps and any criticism is welcome.


The anarchist party model presented in this series is not in itself an innovation for radical political theory and political theory and not even leftist tradition. If studies on this subject are little known (or appear to be new or nonexistent), if this type of political organization has not become an object of study (or recognized as party model of self-organization and direct democracy) it is due the correlation of forces both within the main academic stream, the defeats suffered by classical anarchists since 1939 and also by the absence of debates within the community leftist academic spectrum and the mainstream media. This model approaches militants within a specifically adhering to an ideological-doctrinal corpus (also known as the party of delegates) political organization. Because it is not a given mass, has the format of its members are composed of political representatives, without open membership and whose degree of commitment increases as more delve into concentric circles (see Bakunin). This mode acquires definitions in history such as organicism, platformism, especifismo; they are all synonyms for the definition of the Anarchist Party (specific federation).

Introduction to the role of the party

The model of the matrix and left libertarian perspective presented in this series represents a possible application of a field of intentions, motivations normative, and strategic interests in Latin America in general and Brazil in particular. But we presume that as we get to know each other, the possibilities of political development will be reinforced by actual experience in Western Kurdistan and the internal debate between thoughts under the umbrella of PKK. It is very interesting to understand that the mission of the party is not part of an institutional power of the nation-state but to help build a society based on legitimate (both individual and collective) rights, self-organization, direct and radical democracy and as far as possible from the industrialism and centralized market economy. The hypothesis formulated in the perspective of a real social democracy is the action of the political minority as a driving force and build a democratic radicalization long term. If we compare this simple assumption and definition, we can see the many similarities between this perspective and written by Comrade Abdullah Ocallan in 2011:

"Meanwhile, nation-states have become serious obstacles to any social development. The Democratic Confederalism contrast is the paradigm of the oppressed people. The Democratic Confederalism is a social paradigm stateless. Is not controlled by a state. " (From the website of the PKK in English).

It is obvious that no one should criticize this model party not to compete for positions in institutional nation-state model when its mission is clearly far from that. I guess certain preconditions are always present. All "party model" includes in its modeling the conditions and rules by which this party / political organization is limited and the way this institution (legal or illegal) is willing to take in accordance with its objectives in the medium and long term. To be consistent theoretically, it is necessary to present models that can be tested but, above all, these models should be applied according to the suggested hypothesis.

I am discussing the militant political organization specifically adhering to an ideological and doctrinal corpus. On the other hand, because it is not a mass organization is structured delegates without open membership and whose level of commitment occurs within concentric circles, increasing the level of commitment as the power to vote and be voted for key roles or assigned in the internal structure. This concept can not be misunderstood on a misconception. Or, one should understand this as "good game only intentions" but a strategic concept ensuring that delegates and party structures will be put to the service and duty to help build new political institutions based on horizontality and egalitarian society. The failure of the party model of the USSR and other variations based on authoritarian leadership, state-core and industrialism prove that all thinking of the left must make a self - criticism and recognize that the material conditions must grow mature along with the moral, ecological and fraternal conditions. Only one party structure dedicated to this cause can maintain long - term struggle, feeding social projects, as it did in Latin America struggle union masses in the early 20th century or today with the Union of Communities in Kurdistan (KCK) or specifically the TEV - DEM in Rojava.

Denominations of this tradition of anarchism

I will conclude with this first short article recalling the definition of the model of anarchist party. But not exclusively, this type of organization is generally considered to be typical of anarchist ideology; a federal model and non-mass. While not a model of vanguard party as classic Leninist parties, party delegates should be to strengthen the mass struggle that must be assumed by all communities, enabling people to lead their own destiny and by the assemblies popular. This party affiliation occurs through concentric with the preparation of militants who occupy multiple roles circles. This type of model has gained definitions throughout history, and they also can be defined as the model definition of anarchist party. This specific model has acquired throughout its history as organicism, platformism, especifismo definitions.

I am very pleased to discover that these two seemingly distant traditions are really close to each other. This closeness can be easily detected with a simple reading of documents both the PKK and anarchist traditions. The tradition and experience in Kurdistan carried out by the PKK can feed anarchist traditions around the world and vice-versa. This exciting prospect is the main motivation of the reason for this series of short articles.
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