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(en) France, Alternative Libertaire AL October - Policy: class solidarity against the racist system (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]

Date Sat, 15 Oct 2016 15:42:59 +0300

The controversy around the Burkini this summer was a reminder that presidential election year happens would be a stress relief. In this period, we will be on the offensive both ideologically and on the ground, to build a united movement against all forms of racism. ---- Since September, the campaign of the presidential election is actually launched with its attendant bites and grand statements. We already know the records of the various candidates and unfortunately knows what will be the topics on which they will try to get us. In a lamentable dredge the FN electorate, the voices on the right and left "realistic" clearly set the tone: we speak of immigration, security and identity. The controversial Islamophobic and racist overtones amalgams are not ready to stop and little voice may rise to point the multiple consequences of the racist system or to denounce the intensification of police pressure in the neighborhoods to the favor of the state of emergency.

At its congress in 2015, Alternative Libertaire has adopted a compass that helps to identify, get to the point and avoid false debates[1]. Activists of AL will continue to use in the troubled times ahead.

constant discrimination

Although "ethnic" statistics are officially prohibited in France, surveys to measure discrimination against persons of French nationality, but "non-European" profile.

* On the labor market for the same job with the same qualifications, a person of European profile has 4 times more likely to have access to a job interview a non-European profile of worker[2].

* On the housing market: equal social status of a person not caucasian retoquée profile will be 3 times more often by estate agencies a person of European profile[3].

* In social housing: for the same location in the park office, candidates and caucasian profile candidates have almost 50% chance of getting satisfaction after one year, against 15% for the other[4].

* The police ethnic profiling is a proven fact. A survey conducted in 2007-2008 on five test sites Gare du Nord and the RER station Châtelet-Les Halles, in Paris, showed that people with black skin had, by area studied, between 3.3 and 11 5 times more likely to be tested than those with white skin; between 1.8 and 14.8 times for people of Arab model[5].

But the racist system that does not cover discrimination, it is also reflected by acts and violence. In this respect, the situation is more encouraging: the figures of the Interior Ministry on the criminal acts of racist and show an increase of 50% for such acts between 2010 and 2015[6]. And the figures of the Ministry of Interior of course not show anything ... They do not particularly record the daily brutality faced first the racialized es in the neighborhoods. As noted in particular the collective behind Licence to Kill - Chronicle of police impunity [7], police violence are more than ten deaths per year, over the last thirty years, it is several hundred dead that was recorded.

The death of Adama Traoré, 19 July, has further remind this state violence that manifests itself even more brutally than any past court decisions reinforce the impunity of the forces of repression.

The French NGO Action by Christians for the Abolition of Torture, who studied 89 serious injuries occurred between 2005 and 2015 in which the police are involved, and shows that only seven of them resulted in convictions[8].

Police violence in poor neighborhoods put those who undergo them both under the yoke of the state and under the yoke of racist system. In response, the anti-capitalist and libertarian left must above all stand with victims' relatives - it has not always done as it should. But beyond that necessary solidarity, it is necessary to conduct a real ideological battle for recognition of police violence and to dissect their mechanism. Finally, our role is to network: build bridges between groups that act against police violence in poor neighborhoods and collectives who denounce other forms of state violence but also build relationships, within neighborhoods between the struggle against police violence and other social struggles. Indeed, we must imperatively integrate anti-racist and decolonial issues in our work but this should not be our only speech towards racialized es: by merely talking about police violence and racism when addressing the inhabitants and residents of neighborhoods, we reproduce without our knowledge a logical partitioning of the oppressed are.

inherited from colonial representations

This racist system, including structured around representations built at the time of the colonial Republic to justify the domination of the metropolis on the colonized territories enables above all to maintain the social hierarchy and guaranteeing non-racialized es privileges (whites and White). And it is reactivating these representations inherited from colonization that racists of all stripes can easily apportion blame to provide ready-made solutions to social and political problems. Unemployment? It's the fault of the immigrant-es. Insecurity? It's the fault of the Black-es and Arabs. Terrorism? This is the fault of Muslims.

Inside and outside, racism is exclusive: inside, it pushes to the margin and down all those who do not have the right skin color or the wrong patronymic pretend to integrate into the political, social and economic life. The systematic stigmatization of the Muslim minority, which is now the new socially accepted form of racism, goes even further as it is only intended to exclude the public space and the political community a part of the population. The controversy around the foul Burkini as such has marked a new stage in the liberation of racist speech and the perversion of secularism. And speeches of tribunes of the right and the FN, obligingly followed by a party of the left government, gave a foretaste of future political debates. Faced with this Islamophobia increasingly raw, and who in his public expression, primarily affects Muslim women, the position we take is clear: even if we consider that religions are among the main drivers dispositions, we denounce clearly the persecutions and prohibitions. As feminists, we can ask ourselves about the reasons why women wear the veil but it does not allow us, firstly, to lend them a priori including anti-feminist views. This does not prevent us, secondly, to show solidarity with those women who face discrimination produced by both sexism and racism.

Racism, reinforced since 2001 by the specter of terrorism, is also exerted outward and just provide the ideological cement walls that rise to the borders of the European Union. The speech to justify the hunt to migrants and stopping the reception of refugee-es rely in effect both on alleged excessive distance vis-à-vis the "French culture" (under -entendue white and Judeo-Christian) and a systematic suspicion jihadism. On the beaches of the Mediterranean as on the sidewalks of Paris, the same mechanism is at work and the Muslims and Muslim (or perceived-as-es them) are invariably likened es to potential terrorists.

The ideological struggle is not close to being won, especially as anti-racist mobilizations are themselves sometimes ambiguous in their slogans and demands. Thus, after the murder of a businessman of Chinese origin in Aubervilliers, when thousands of people took to the streets against the anti-Asian racism chanting "Security! "And waving red white blue flags, it hits our convictions and of course it makes you think. Especially as these events echo the very real tensions that exist in some popular areas, between different populations of racialized es living in feeding mistrust and stereotypes towards each other: the people of Asian origin and are often seen as easy prey, supposed to move with large sums of money in cash - which explains the numerous attacks against them - while the young men from the Maghreb or sub-Saharan immigration is perceived as so many thieves power.

Neither give up nor be silent

It just reminds us that racialized es doubly suffer the racist system: they and they suffer exploitation and oppression but at the same time were high-es in this system and were thus impregnated es prejudice, risking turn contribute to convey. It also reminds us that progressives claims may not germinate spontaneously and that in such a society saturated as ours by security discourses, it is not surprising that the protestors of Asian origin, the farthest-es social movement and its militant directory, ask before any more cameras and more police. The challenge is therefore to reduce the distance between the anti-racist movement and racialized populations less mobilized. This means decentre and try actively to create links, by contacting the constituted organizations and trying to connect them with existing anti-racist mobilization unit frames. It also means conducting a politicization of work that involves the identification of the enemy and by identifying the causes of racism.

There are many adversaries, the terrain is slippery and sometimes attempts to exploit exist but we must not give up or shut up. Rather, we need more than ever to defend a clear antiracist line, based on an analysis of social reality, fantasies and free of tensions.

Benjamin (AL Paris-Nord-Est)

[1]"The struggle against racism is a social struggle," 12th Congress of U (Castillon-du-Gard, 2015).

[2]INSEE, "Inequality and discrimination: measurement issues," Economics and Statistics, April 2014.

[3]survey of 60 million consumers, 19 February 2014.

[4]Insee, ibid.

[5]Open Society Justice Initiative's survey conducted with researchers from the CNRS, 2009.

[6]CNCDH Report on the fight against racism, anti-Semitism and xenophobia, 2015.

[7]Collective Blind spots, Licence to Kill - Chronicle of police impunity, Syllepse, 2014 (192 pages).

[8]ACAT, "The order and strength - Survey of use of force by law enforcement officials in France."

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