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(en) France, Alternative Libertaire AL n° special - Change society, without being fooled (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]

Date Mon, 22 Aug 2016 18:03:41 +0300

While capitalist society is in crisis, the challenge is more necessary than ever. But it can take various forms, more or less productive ... Between citizenism the néoréformisme and self radicalism, dead ends and pitfalls abound. Decryption. ---- Those who have attended Nuit standing at one time or another of the movement have been confronted with a variety of protest speech. Cetains seem innovative, others simply rehash old républiaines moons, sometimes disarming ingenuousness, sometimes very sophisticated ... All deserve to be discussed. ---- Citizenism harmless protest ---- The rise of citizen movements corresponds to the relative decline of the labor movement since the 1980s: access of the less affluent to mass consumption, encouragement - especially by social democracy - the identity of "middle class", identification social by consumption and less by the profession, fragmentation of large concentrations of workers, but also habitat areas (spread of residential areas and peri-urban), crisis situation less favorable to the claims, and finally disillusioned with the collapse of State socialist project (as PS or PC version), which had organized the labor movement for decades.

In this context, certain movements, both left environmentalists and anti-globalization, trying to invent a new form of protest. For this they willingly inspired by old national myths, including those of the French Revolution of 1789. The figure of the "people" replaces that of the proletariat, that of the citizen replaces that of the worker.

Often these movements waving rattles as the "Sixth Republic", the magical convocation of a "Constituent Assembly", the drafting of a "new Constitution", the "draw" As leaders ... subversion symbols and social progress, they reappear La Marseillaise and the Tricolour, more consensual than the International and the red and black flag (or red and black).

This identity change is not without practical mutation. The terrain of the struggle tends to move. It moves away from the sphere of production - with pickets, its factory occupations and blockades of goods flows - for the public space, with its places of business.

If citizens do not prohibit movements protest in the economic field - as do the Occupy Wall Street and Occupy - their approach is quite different. Criticism of employers, as owning class, deciding the nature of production and working conditions, and extorting surplus value, in the heart of the struggles of the labor movement, turns into a moral critique of the few bosses' thugs ". More commonly still, it is replaced by an opposition between "the richest 1%" and 99% that remain, even completely goes out the window in favor of a critique of the only speculators, bankers and shareholders.

Finally, if the caste politician is challenged because seen as disconnected from the people's aspirations, confidence is reaffirmed to the state and the national framework seen as bulwarks against transnational bodies - when they are only two modalities of the same capitalist power .

Certainly, no protest movement, even revolutionary, is immune against a risk of recovery by the system. But if he remains at the stage of citizenism, as saying he condemns himself to be perfectly harmless.

Smoke and mirrors néoréformistes

The idea of social change and revolution, through constituent assemblies and the establishment of a Sixth Republic, advanced by mélenchonistes conveys the illusion that the top-down patterns could cause actual social relations . But these are not ideas that make movement and revolution, but actual social relations, affirming finally materialize ideas, become dominant. These are the power relations that create the laws, not the reverse. Ditto for a Constitution.

The citizens' revolution is as illusory as the electoral strategies and are reformist, because all three are crossed by the illusion of sovereignty policy on the economy. It would suffice to bang your fist on the table for the allegiance of the ruling class democracy. But the ruling class does not tolerate democracy if it does not interfere with its interests. So if, by sheer chance, a radical left party managed to take power democratically, he would find himself powerless against the ruling class - senior executives from industry, finance, police and the army - holds real levers of power.

The left could actually exercise power at the national level, only if it is supported by a powerful social movement, organized and combative in duration. Such a prospect has little to do with politicking strategies of the radical left, who see in social struggles that an electoral springboard (JLM 2017 is the best example) and even detrimental to the revolt by dangling the illusion of a hand or a possible victory at the polls. In case of victory at the polls, they can also lead to the weakening of the social movement made trailer of government action. This is what happened in France in 1981, in many countries in South America since the 2000s.

Even with a proletariat solidly organized and combative at national level, such a policy, respectful of republican legality, leads to failure, as was the case with Syriza in Greece. Without a strategy based on the direct intervention of workers', with the central objective the expropriation of the capitalists, socialization and self-management of the economy, it necessarily falls in the management of capitalism, the compromises, denial, and finally the deadlock. When the system of ownership of production and means of exchange will have been fundamentally transformed, it will then be time to draft a Constitution carving in stone the principles of the new company.

The illusion of a moral capitalism

If large sections of the radical left are bearers of illusions from a strategic point of view, they are also a programmatic perspective. Overall, in the majority of programs, proposals, claims include measures such as changes in taxes, reducing income inequality, debt cancellation, increased taxation of capital out of Europe and the euro, monetary sovereignty, nationalization and state investments to support production and employment.

These measures underpin a proposed moralized capitalism, a social market economy, national, and international competition with the neoliberal countries. This left generally considers that France is a rich country, and the crisis, debt and poverty are the result of the greed of a handful of non-sharers and malicious individuals, it would be sufficient to submit or foreclose.

The belief in the success of a social and moral capitalism reflects a total misunderstanding of the root causes of the systemic crisis of capitalism, and the reasons for the slowdown of the economic boom after the war[ 1 ]. Failing to attack the source of problems of the capitalist market economy (uncertain exchange, replacement of human labor by the machine, private property, competition), the proposals of the radical left can not curb the long term, ongoing recession movement.

To get out of the systemic crisis, social change is needed. This is to break with the private ownership of means of production, competition, commodity exchange, modes of integration of the labor force. So it is revolutionizing the ways to produce, distribute, share and decide.

The against-culture, creative but enfermante

Unlike the reformist project is developing a revolutionary challenge to the system, including G is involved.

However, part of that challenge, rather than seeking to bind the minority radical practices with mass protest, tends to live in vanguard whose way of life and action would, in themselves, a program. From this point of view, the class struggle and the union would fight only the way to access the world of goods and bourgeois comfort that we reject. They would not be a revolutionary lever, but reinforce the established order and the influence of consumer society on the population.

The revolutionary process itself, with its strategic, organizational, educational requirements, and the patience it requires, tends to be denigrated because it would be a fantasy autorépressif, preventing the immediate revolt. During the revolution, too distant prospect, therefore opposed riotously design of revolt "immediate, here and now."

Certainly the revolutionary challenge can be accompanied by a cons-culture, creative and cohesive carrier ... but we also measure all that that may have enclosing if this against-culture is misunderstood many. We must keep the ambition to lead the majority struggles sine qua non of a true social revolution, and keep pouring in a form of elitist complacency, or avant-garde anarcho-Blanquist postures. If we let isolate the many, this is a godsend for power seeking figures of the internal enemy and scapegoat.

The challenge for revolutionaries in a period which is not, it is both to share a critique of the capitalist system and against constuire broad powers that will prepare its abolition.

Flo (AL Marne)

[ 1 ] "The law work, the ultimate stage of capitalist crisis" Alternative Libertaire, June 2016

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