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(en) France, Alternative Libertaire AL - Against-society, In Kurdistan, a new Chiapas? (fr, pt) [machine translation]

Date Wed, 19 Nov 2014 14:58:50 +0200

Since the summer, its role as a bulwark against atrocities jihadists placed the Kurdish left under the limelight. What is far less known is that in areas under its control in Syria, it has encouraged the growth of a society-against secular, democratic and social bases. An exceptional situation, which calls for international support. ---- "Do you know that there is a new Chiapas in Kurdistan? "This is about in these terms that the Alternative libertarian activists were arrested by a fellow Kurdish left in February 2014, at the anticolonial Salon in Paris. In this place where different sensitivities left of anti-colonialism and national liberation struggles (Palestine in the West Indies, through Tibet and Kurdistan) spawn, the evocation of Chiapas was safe to fly. She gave the Kurdish cause, legitimate in itself should be emphasized, a self-managed, most attractive character so subversive, especially.

What is happening in Chiapas? In this state of southern Mexico, the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) is pursuing a strategy of dual power. After the insurrection of January 1994, the Zapatistas have set up structures of self-government based on popular assemblies, for most aspects of social life take control (economy, education, health, justice ...) . Tens of thousands of indigenous people and Chiapas seceded state institutions to relate to their own autonomous institutions. This self-management against-society lasted for more than ten years in a state of "armed peace" between the EZLN and the Mexican government, which prefers the status quo to the risk of a new insurrection.

A "democratic self-government"

The "new Chiapas" referred to above, it is in fact the three cantons (Cizîrê, Kobanê, Efrîn) that form the Syrian Kurdistan (Rojava). These cantons held by the armed militias of Democratic Union Party (PYD), the Syrian branch of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK Marxist), have become the refuge of persecuted minorities (Assyrians, Armenians, Christians, Yezidis .. .). These various components besides alongside the Kurds in the YPG-YPJ, the vigilante who defend Rojava against the jihadists.

Rojava the experiments, since January 2014, a popular secular system of self-government, social and even, in terms of context, feminist (see against the testimony "Two weeks Rojava"). Le Monde has also been talk about Rojava of "showcase" of the PKK (1) unless the situation there is idyllic, as Human Rights Watch noted in June (2). From 2011, the PYD has promoted it as a mass organization, the Movement for Democratic Society (Tev-Dem), with a view to establish a dual power vis-à-vis the Syrian administration.

The three cantons declared their independence July 19, 2012 in the now famous town of Kobanê. Then, in January 2014, they proclaimed a Constitution (the "Social Contract") and each elected an assembly and a cantonal government called "democratic self-government" (DSA). Its uniqueness? It is supposed to be the executive body of the Tev-Dem and its committees base. Ambiguity? It is up thanks to the good will of Damascus, which continues to pay the salaries of civil servants (3).

This strategy of dual power is not new from the Kurdish left. In the late 2000s, based in Chiapas, the PKK had already tried to implement in Anatolia rival those of the Turkish state autonomous institutions. But it was nipped in the bud this civil disobedience movement by trapping nearly 10,000 people participating in the process (mayors, representatives, various activists). The civil war in Syria provided the PKK an opportunity to revive the process in an area beyond the reach of the Turkish army.

A party that remains pyramidal

Then, the PKK has it become néozapatiste? A new EZLN? Unfortunately, we are far. In line with its self-management project, the EZLN is an army militarized force not based on self-discipline and whose command is elected by the base. Instead, the PKK, despite a trend over the past decade, remains a pyramidal organization, cemented by a frightening cult leader. This represents a hiatus with the form of self-government - otherwise commendable - he has driven the Rojava.

To put a spoke in the wheels in 2012-2013, Ankara has in any case nothing better than providing weapons discreetly on his worst enemy: the Islamic State (Daech). The rest is history: repeated assaults against the Rojava; against the beautiful-offensive in August 2014 to save the Sinjar Yezidis.

Two rival political poles

With the rise of the PKK, the Kurdish national movement is more divided than ever between two rival poles. The first has its epicenter in Iraq, with the autonomous regional government in Erbil installed under the authority of Massoud Barzani. It embodies a traditional, secular nationalist and patriarchal model, based on the oil business. Darling of Western powers, it takes away Baghdad and maintains cordial relations with Ankara. The second cluster is one that revolves around the PKK, Syria and Turkey, a secular but also more democratic model, progressive and feminist. At this time, it creates a growing sympathy of the world, in leftist circles and revolutionaries, including libertarians.

For critical support

The world followed by the seat of Kobanê Daech and Arab-Western coalition led by Washington, could not do anything but help the Kurdish militia and militia who fought heroically. How will things turn now? The United States will they build a unspoken partnership with the PKK, as is the case with Iran? What will be the deal? Will they strike the PKK from the terrorist list? How will Turkey respond?

In this labyrinth of geopolitics, more than ever, the Middle East, alliances are fluid, and the fault lines move. Each force, including the Kurdish left, tries to pull out of the play. In Kobanê, she forced the hand of the Arab-American imperialists for help and weapons. It is important not to that leading to another, it becomes dependent, and reduced to a role on the political stage. It must conduct its own boat, and for the moment, it succeeds very well. Kurdish left represents arguably the only independent force representing a hope of independence, peace and democracy for the people of the Middle East. This is in
this as it deserves our support: face fanatics Daech; opposite the Damascus-Tehran axis; facing the Ankara-Washington axis.

(1) Allan Kaval, "The fight against the Islamic state requires the PKK as a regional power," Le Monde, September 9, 2014.
(2) "Syria are abuses in the Kurdish-controlled enclaves," HRW, June 19, 2014.
(3) At other times, the PKK has benefited from the help of the USSR, Greece or Syria, for various reasons interested in destabilizing Turkey.
Related Link: http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?-AL-de-novembre-est-en-kiosque-
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