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(en) France, Organisation Communiste Libertarie (OCL) - Courant Alternatif, CA #236 - The small school Zapatista autonomy (fr, pt) [machine translation]

Date Sun, 26 Jan 2014 16:33:39 +0200

The war that bloodied Mexico since 2006, drug trafficking cartels war inextricably intertwined in the economy and in the workings of the state, has done away with the Indian mainstream media strength and construction of autonomy in Chiapas, but also in Oaxaca, Guerrero and MichoacÃn. ---- However, there is a year 21 December 2012, reappeared by thousands of men and women of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) occupying several hours the central squares of the five cities of Chiapas in southeastern Mexican. Due to the remoteness and dispersion of Indian communities in the mountains, a long preparation and a great capacity for mobilization were necessary for this massive and simultaneous action in five different places. The Zapatista movement asserted its vitality intact and his mastery of a time when the old Mayan calendars coincide and the rich history of the uprising that emerged on 1 January 1994.

Reappropriation by indigenous peoples of Chiapas memory of Emiliano Zapata blew on the embers never completely extinguished Mexican Revolution. She has given presence in Oaxaca anarchism Flores Magon brothers, Librado Rivera of, Anselmo Figueroa, Praxedis Guerrero, these "magonistes" who fought for Tierra y Libertad. She woke the memory of the rebellion of RubÃn Jaramillo, resurgence of Zapatistas in the early sixties in the State of Morelos, Guerrero followed in the organization of rural households guerrilla teachers Genaro VÃzquez and Lucio CabaÃas, massacred with their supporters in 1972 and 1974.

Celebrated by Marcos, military leader and spokesman of the EZLN, the revolutionary mythology, spiced with a good dose of self-mockery, has however moved to the essential place of peoples and self-organization. The role of women has increased in the foreground, deliberately knocking the Indian tradition and machismo. Ramona, Ana MarÃa Esther and many other Maya women of Chiapas embodied in critical moments this Zapatista rebellion that celebrates three decades. The end of 1983 saw settle in the Lacandon jungle first armed group creating the EZLN, after ten years of clandestine preparation 1994 is the year of the uprising in January and the declaration of autonomous municipalities In December, the summer of 2003, Caracoles, five civilians centers where sit the Good Government Councils from the Zapatista municipalities succeed the five Aguascalientes created in 1996 to receive the "national and international civil society."

The main stages that mark the progress of the Zapatista movement thirty years have themselves been shaped by three key time in the recent history of Mexico. The State massacre instead of Three Cultures in Tlatelolco, October 2, 1968, and the "dirty war" that ensues in rush illegal armed organizations and several generations of rebellious students. In 1974, Chiapas, near the Guatemalan civil war, a native Congress held in San CristÃbal de Las Casas under the auspices of Bishop Samuel Ruiz for forty years (1959-1999) of the Diocese dense Indian population - putting into practice a "liberation theology." The tseltales delegations Tsotsiles, Cholesterol, Tojolabal ... involved in their languages ââand openly denounce the state of misery and slavery-these peoples previously described in the novels of the German anarchist B. Traven. In 1985, the earthquake that devastated Mexico City sees organize a base population to overcome the negligence of the government and the diversion of international aid by the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI, the party-state from 1929 to 2000). Self-organization of the barrios and colonias located in this opportunity recognition as "civil society", with a somewhat different sense of what is meant here in the journalistic vocabulary.

The construction of the self is the great work of the organization of women and men in Mayan and Zoque people of Chiapas known as the EZLN. At its head is the Clandestine Revolutionary Indigenous Committee (CCRI), whose members, commanders and commanding, have no military duties. Since 2013, the military leadership of the EZLN, subject to the CIRB is two-headed, Marcos now shares this responsibility with Subcomandante Insurgent MoisÃs Indian Tseltal who joined former amateur MÃtis student literature, mythology and subculture urban. The "insurgents" men and women in arms, form only a small part of the vast majority of civil organization of tens of thousands of members. This is what it means to highlight and convey escuelita zapatista, "small Zapatista school," the last public initiative rebels. She met in August 2013 nearly two thousand participants from Mexico and around the world to live each and every one week in a Zapatista home, in the middle of a village, guided by Votan, so initiator, man or woman , daily life in the rebel communities. Between late December 2013 and early January 2014, five thousand new "students" will in turn look at the invitation of the Zapatista villages, the main aspects that the movement has chosen to highlight: self-government (the loads in community, authorities, community-assemblies, communal, area, Caracoles, etc.). resistance and autonomy (education, justice, economy, health); participation of women.

RaÃl Zibechi, Uruguayan researcher studying Latin American social movements in terms of autonomy struggles, often well advised, evoked after the events of December 2012 in Chiapas' Zapatista stubborn persistence. " It is not only to be under the charm and influence of this unprecedented move in the history of social rebellions both in its duration and its amplitude in all aspects of life and the national and echo international it arouses. Written by Eduardo Galeano, John Holloway, George Caffentzis, Gustavo Esteva, Raoul Vaneigem or JÃrÃme Baschet, for example, have been influenced or reinforced by their encounter with the rebels mountaineers of the Mexican Southeast. Social criticism found in the Zapatista experience new perspectives such as the struggle for the "common" that is revitalized in urban areas and irrigates the self-organized in Turkey and Brazil resistance, often with explicit references the Zapatistas.

The Zapatistas do not have all the answers and do not claim they "learn by advancing." Their story has already gone through several turns, shifting alliances and perspectives. They clearly broke with the Mexican political class after the failure of the attempt to vote by Parliament in April 2001 a bill drawn agreements on indigenous rights and culture, signed at San AndrÃs in February 1996 Zapatista delegates and government representatives. This rupture followed the march the color of the earth, which lasted several weeks during which the mobilization of the delegation of the EZLN who traveled the country has affected hundreds of thousands of Mexicans, and sounded like a retreat to their territory. Two years later, the proclamation of self-government communities announced the implementation of these agreements by the parties themselves. However, the San AndrÃs concern throughout Mexico and the National Indigenous Congress, born in 1996 at the invitation of the Zapatistas, trying to defend and promote the spirit and practice of autonomy. Yaquis in Sonora (North), the PurÃpechas in MichoacÃn (Centre), and to Nurio CherÃn in particular Amuzgos and Nahua in Guerrero to Suljaa and Ostula, the Zapotecs, the Mixes and other peoples Oaxaca, in the mountains and on the Pacific coast, organize and fight strongly, but the highlands of Chiapas and the Lacandon forest remain for Mexico stronghold of self-government of indigenous peoples.

The influence of the Zapatista movement out of Mexico is particularly evident in social forums, including the EZLN has yet held aloof, and large anti-globalization protests, where sympathy for the rebellion in Chiapas were often expressed by libertarians who saw it as a counterweight to the strategies of transformation of society through the conquest of state power. The Zapatistas are not inspired by John Holloway and his essay Change the world without taking power, the opposite is true. Networks of solidarity with the EZLN grew rapidly for four years but the Acteal massacre in December 1997, changed their nature by putting them forward the humanitarian dimension. Solidarity collective rebellion became "human rights monitors" and found themselves in the field of AI. The media coverage of these observation missions in Chiapas and Mexico brought a misunderstanding between these networks and the Zapatistas was fatal to the collective of Barcelona's oldest and most dynamic in Europe, which dissolved itself in 2010. This group did manage Catalonia active synthesis of libertarian practice, past and present, and self-governance of the Zapatista communities, which gave him a unifying role in Europe has not found a successor.

In 2005, a work of collective in-depth allows the EZLN to adopt the Sixth Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle, the Sixth clearly anticapitalist. In international networks, this reflection and new start did not happen and adherence to the Sixth remained symbolic and virtual. Rare solidarity collectives that survive today have failed to interpret this statement and only work as echo chambers. Zapatista slogans become incantations that do not change a routine activism. This "Europe Zapatista" is nothing more than a decorative exoticism organizations adrift. It was in New York, in the Chicano and Latin Harlem, the Sexta was best practice translation in the struggles of the Movement for Justice in the Barrio against real estate companies. New York, a connection is made via the internet and video exchange between the Zapatistas and the South African movement Abahlali baseMjondolo occupants of huts, which also boasts its self-organization and rejects electoral politics. The EZLN, virtually silent for four years, reaffirmed in January 2013 the Sixth Declaration, putting an end to the Mexican experience of the Other Campaign and providing an international dimension to the Sixth in which could include movements as Abahlali, and autonomous anticapitalist struggles. We'll see if the "small school Zapatista" manages to convey to the international thousands who have participated in the sense of time, the relationship to the land and territory, the community and the congregation that characterizes the Indian resistance five centuries of domination and exploitation.

Belial, December 2013
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