A-Infos (en) Uniao Popular Anarquista - UNIPA - Causa do Povo #68 - Long live the People's Levante: the combative youth and the rise of mass struggle in Brazil! (pt)[machine translation]

Popular protests in different regions (Rio Grande do Sul, Goiania, Sao Paulo and then Rio 
de Janeiro and Brasilia) who took on the theme of combating transport costs are presented 
as the main element of juncture of the last eight years. They represent a practical and 
theoretical challenge to the revolutionary movement. What are its causes? Which subjects? 
It is a "new" movement? It represents a "total" opposition to earlier movements? They are 
compatible with democracy? What is the real agenda of the movements? ---- Firstly we have 
to historically situate the protests. We can say that the Lula government had instruments 
containment of social movements. Both macroeconomic and political, of cooptation. From the 
inauguration of Dilma these instruments have entered into the process of deterioration. 
The struggles of the workers of the great works, the struggles of indigenous peoples. 
After the great strike of the civil service and universities in 2012. The strike of the 
universities and the participation of the student movement in the fight against Dilma 
Government partly prepared the ground for the fights that would hatch in 2013. Many 
militants today were formed during these days.

The bourgeois media and social Pseudoscientists try, astonished, to explain the emergence 
of the mobilizations. Only they thought society was stopped or contemplated in the 
Government PT. And try to nullify the collective subjects and create a mystification that 
movements arose by "social networking". Social networks are a fundamental means. But were 
not the main subject.

In this sense, we can say that two components are combined. On one hand, a change in the 
government's field director. UNE and UNE-FSO decided to break with its policy of tying the 
student movement and lead students into the streets. Another, a change in the bases, 
various militant and independent collectives and some linked to leftist parties, came 
together for mobilizations. Therefore, there is not a totally "new" movement, nor is it a 
mere replication of the student movement. The student movement is presenting advance an 
internal crisis between the government and the PT have tested their social bases in 2012. 
Last year saw the first clash between the party articulation / Federal Government and 
union joint Treasury. This year we see the clash between PCdoB and its mass organizations, 
UNE and the Dilma Government. Ie, the governing field begins to reflect the contradictions.

But the combination of these changes of direction and explain the foundations of the 
national character of the acts. Explains neither its size nor qualitative dynamics, which 
was completely unpredictable and depended on the arrival on the scene of a single factor: 
the working and university students and unorganized sectors (and therefore not protected 
by governismo and the for-governismo) . Social networks were the means of reaching these 
sectors. Were not the subject. It is difficult to define causes, but acts as participation 
grew in increased radicalization and repression.

The idea of ââcanceling the collective, multiple and plural subjects that there is not 
naive. It just reinforces the idea that workers are not organized, are incapable. Or 
capital (Internet technology) and individual (social networks), it is subject or want a 
centralized, formalized subject. The employee and their local and particular collective 
forms are erased from history. The technological fetish is part of the ideological 
campaign of the bourgeoisie to deny the existence of mass action.

But being spontaneous and organized both organized and spontaneous because spontaneous 
self-organized because the acts were not effectively addressed in its entirety by any 
political force. And that's exactly why they gradually assumed the dimension and combative 
after popular uprising in the 16th, 17th and 18th of June, in an attempt to protest in 
stadiums (RJ and DF) and the attempt to occupy Congress, the occupation of the Legislative 
Assembly of Rio de Janeiro (ALERJ) and then the mayor of SÃo Paulo. What does this mean? 
Vandalism against public property? Against historical heritage?

The acts were aimed at two main targets: mega-events, ie, the developmental model of the 
PT and against the core of state power. We should do an analysis of events and question 
the bourgeois campaign of criminalization of popular direct action. We situate the 
outbreak of violent protests in recent historical context.

The working and student youth has suffered from political persecution and violence of PM 
on the outskirts of Rio de Janeiro, Sao Paulo and Brasilia (remember, a student was killed 
in a raid Brasilia in 2013 and the brutal repression within USP). But in addition, the 
first attempt to build "peaceful" actions with the slogan "without violence" launched by 
the reformists was disastrous. The violence was the initiative of the police.

What was the strategy of the discourse of corporate media? Find an "initial attack" to 
justify repression and put the performance of the policy as a response to violence. But 
beyond the repression that we could use to question this discourse, there are several 
specific actions in recent months: 1) killings and arrests of youth and students in 
various parts of Brazil, 2) the violent eviction of the Village Maracanà in Rio de Janeiro 
in the first semester, 3) the actions of police abuse in the first days of protest. Ie, 
violence was given. What was missing was the resistance. And she came.

The sectors of the marginal mass organizations and the political system is organized in 
small groups and individually. Hundreds of small groups of students and workers formed in 
the act of Rio de Janeiro. Not only to face the streets, but the groups of lawyers and 
doctors that formed to support the fight. Political organizations such as UNIPA and others 
were a small universe within another force of which it is part, but that is not organized, 
or better, which is self-organizing for strength and for social and political demands. And 
it is clear that the movement is heterogeneous in its composition and ideological 
expression, which is not yet defined. But this is their biggest challenge and greatest virtue.

The Taking of ALERJ on June 18 expressed the desire of all struggle. Of all who suffer and 
die in public hospitals. The suffering public transport. Those who suffer at the hands of 
the police and the state. The "thugs", the "dangerous classes", undesirable always been 
there. They were whispering through the vote invalid, through passive resistance. And now 
began the action. And the action they are faced with state violence and symbolic violence 
of journalists and pseudo-scientists. And certainly this process, maturing and developing, 
will be the key factor for political conjuncture.


1 - The Fight against reaction: classism struggle between reform and revolution x

Popular protests provoked a quick reaction of the bourgeoisie: the criminalization. They 
taxed the movement of "turmoil" in the early days and called repression. Police brutality 
and public support led, first, to the contradictions and then a line. The bourgeoisie, the 
State and the corporate media have created a polarization between "x vandalism peaceful 
movement."

Overall, this polarization is accepted as the basis of own reformist parties. Hence the 
fact that rapidly PSTU the SoL, PT and PCdoB do chorus to the Globe and Federal Government 
network. Thus, the political agenda of the reformist parties is that the corporate media 
and the state, and this helps to increase the antipathy and antagonism between these 
autonomous demonstrations and party organizations. Why?

Because this is a false contradiction. Why this contradiction is empty? Propaganda is 
politics by other means. The policy expressed in these concepts is the policy of reaction. 
Who attacks, break is not just breaking objects. Symbols and concepts of bourgeois rule is 
attacking. Responds with symbolic violence and symbolic and real violence 500 years of 
oppression.

The speech against vandalism is a form of symbolic violence against the people, against 
the poor youth and precarious workers. Because the actions of the protesters were labeled 
as vandalism? Because they affect and challenge the core of reactionary power. Firstly, 
they are a spontaneous expression of a people deemed unable liabilities. Secondly, the 
acts have specific targets: banks, public properties that represent state power and 
operating history. Finally the uprisings were directed to the legislative and executive, 
ie, to the focus of every revolutionary movement power. The false contradiction, 
therefore, aims to depoliticize a movement that questions the foundations of reactionary 
power in acts of mass resistance.

Because we can speak of symbolic violence? Because it only reinforces the legitimacy of 
the state, governments and entrepreneurs and goes hand in hand with the police and 
military violence. When creating this false contradiction, if you want to create division 
in the mass movement among a sector that can be legitimately targeted repression and the 
other not. One sector that is legitimate political actor and the other not. The reaction 
is organizing to defend: 1) the absolute and unquestionable character of private property, 
2) the absolute legitimacy of the state and their actions, and even the most violent and 
arbitrary. The reaction represented by monopoly capital, the state and the party ruling 
coalition needs to win then society for that speech. The campaign against vandalism is 
just fake. The defense also historical heritage.

Why capital can demolish the Maracana heritage? Why the Indian Museum can be demolished, 
displacing indigenous and not considered historical patrimÃnmio? Why the state can 
demolish the Hospital of Servers Rio de Janeiro, the IASERJ? Why the Amazon rainforest may 
be destroyed by the Belo Monte Dam in the name of the capital? Capital can destroy 
everything. Is destroying everything. The popular uprising is not destroying anything 
other obstacles your own creative action. Not only the good fight "public". We struggle to 
define the concept of public good. And do not respect the concepts of reaction. Because 
there is no combat without combat this reaction discourse and symbolic and physical violence.

What is the contradiction of mass movement? Ie, there is within the working class and 
youth is a difference between the concepts and strategies of struggle between 
revolutionaries and the reformists. However, when a sector that supposedly defends reforms 
aligns the reactionary bloc, the corporate media, it means you are surrendering the basic 
principle of the unity of action of the working class opposite reaction. And this is the 
challenge. The reformist parties must either renounce their behavior in line with the 
discourse of denouncing the vandalism and therefore unconditionally defend the popular 
protests or definitely spend the next reaction. The contradiction between reform and 
revolution is today the motion as follows: the reformists take the side of the people and 
make their defense within the legitimate organs of workers, or denounce the mass and pass 
the reaction.

Before the outbreak of the mass movement we call the unit at all. But we know that 
reformism is an increasingly promiscuous relationship with the reaction. The task of 
sincere activists and possibly revise that line is misleading. The enemy is the State and 
Capital, and the pillars of the reaction, the police force and the national governments. 
The discussion about the method and strategy should not break the unity of the general 
class to the reaction front. Betray this unity is to betray the people themselves. Thus, 
we must oppose and counter-revolutionary reaction method. The direct mass action and the 
general strike.

So do a salute to the combative youth of Brazil. We take all workers and students who face 
physical and symbolic violence a greeting. And we say that we are together in rows of 
barricades. But our task is to take a policy and slogan of revolutionary. The policy is: 
organizing to disrupt the reaction, the reaction disorganizing to organize the revolution. 
It is necessary to advance in the demonstrations and ensuring the autonomy and direct 
action class.

Anarchism is Fight!

UNIPA - Popular Union Anarchist
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