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(en) France, Communistes libertaires de Seine-Saint-Denis (AL) - First revolutionary measures Kamo and Eric Hazan: a critical reading (fr) [machine translation]

Date Sat, 02 Nov 2013 19:23:11 +0200


First, the editor and publisher: if La Fabrique is a publishing house founded in 1998 whose catalog is one of the incentives that may exist today, Eric Hazan is a man of edition (already Hazan), a true (which would be a little, all things being equal, as Maspero current time). That is an essential editor which can count on all those who did not meet the ordinary capitalist or renunciation of the communist hypothesis. It is known, and thanks to the findings prepared by André Schiffrin (including Eric Hazan has just published several books), the sphere of publishing in its submission to the ever-increasing financial pressure due to increasing economy editors and editorial policies that they can defend it.

Alongside other (like eg editions Lines: here and here ), The Factory presents itself as the publisher friendly and welcoming enough for thought dissensuelle open without dogmatism or sectarianism all communism heterodox, it multiplies editions of essential works of Jacques Rancière and Alain Badiou to Gregory Chamayou through the many titles devoted, sometimes with progressive rereading of the French Revolution, sometimes to the (re) discovery of entire and unsung work 'of Antonio Gramsci and Walter Benjamin (last missing pieces of his Baudelaire just been revealed). E. add ric Hazan is not enough only editing because it is also the author a certain name books showing a perseverance in engagement against the consensus police dedicating the existing order. A utant (and this is logical) side of the Palestinians in their struggle for national independence (and the largest Utopia is that of a common state argued in a recent book co-authored with Eyal Sivan ) as the partisans (as Alain Badiou ) the right to criticize Israel without automatically undergo antisemitic rhetoric used reflexology to supporters of the status quo colonial. With first revolutionary measures (co-signed by the unknown Kamo - a report with the Bolshevik activist of the same name, companion Stalin died mysteriously in 1922 ?), Eric Hazan " humbly propose to reopen the issue revolutionary "(p. 8 ) and, as such, is inscri would in the same dynamic that Alain Badiou ( The Awakening of the story. Circumstances 6 ) and Michael Hardt and Toni Negri ( Declaration. This is not a manifesto ). All agree at a minimum to say that we have not finished with the story as long as it is not confined to draw the cautionary tale of the winners. Uprisings of the peoples of the Maghreb and Mashreq 2011 the various social upheavals that have taken (and still capture) in many countries (and often among the richest in the world), there are many evidence of conflictual which World although uneven , shakes the licensed ideologues and other opinion makers obviously not tired when it comes to seriner, despite the crisis of capitalism and 2007, the catchphrase rewarding neoliberal hegemony. How the authors of First revolutionary measures determine the forerunners of their findings? And what measures advocated by them do they represent the extent of a need to come out on top of economic, social and ecological disaster in which we plunge the contradictions of capital?

The "democratic capitalism"
as allowing government (absence) of people

The first part of the book entitled "It is right to rebel" immediately raises the distinction between three ideal-typical forms of government (headed by a single party, preserving without guns an authoritarian regime victim of political instability or placed in the hands of the liberal oligarchy here called " democratic capitalism ", p. 15). The "three pillars" of which supports the latest model presented by States that apply, namely the rise in living standards (since the institution of the "Fordist compromise" after 1945), peace between peoples and respect for democratic freedoms synonymous with civil rights, have not ceased to be corrupted by the power of finance. " Nowhere is the power belongs to the demos "(p.16) write the authors rightly, which induces the empty popular real existing political forms and their corresponding subordination markets in the twin principles of lobbying and the revolving door (p. 18). In 1983, the famous "turn to austerity" operated by the PS government has retrospectively represented the institutionalization of heteronomy in whose name the policy is to identify less and less popular and growing needs of economic interests. And the discourse of "crisis" vien drained t complete with peoples the status quo ideology in whose name the worst social regression should be accepted and supported in the name of bailout capital. Therefore, the authors believe, indignation, protest and petition is virtually useless, except to maintain the existing imaginary excluding the realm of possibility the idea that people could take their destiny in hand by refusing to abandon its sovereignty sacrificed ed control and to the expertise of the class of professional politicians .

The ossification of Trotskyism as the effects of the PG handle or the Left Front is not thereby limited to the height of political issues when the social emergency is expressed in riots and increasingly popular revolts by the media when they affect non-Western countries when they fall within the Western world. And if the meaning of communism found a certain aura thanks to the work of a few critical philosophers, is still lacking similar work to be done on the old Double - the "revolution" - that deserves the same company (re) symbolic legitimation. Eric Hazan and Kamo do not share the common view of politicization or sluggish masses qu'expliqueraient privatization and individualization of consecutive existences to the globalization of capital. The various forms of conflict manifest in reality a desire for social and political change that is still yet marked by a " skepticism about the idea of revolution "(p. 25). The historic defeat of " barracks communism "is not to do with skepticism against which some dialectical thinking is also to grasp the positivity as a" denationalization "of communism whose libertarian communists have persevered to support the idea ... since Bakunin! And it is a pity it is that too little mention in first revolutionary measures of the story ( although admittedly minority ) that communism there (because there were - and still are - as communism as groups of organizations claiming), apart from a quick glance at the " sweet prince Kropotkin "(p. 55). Communism and heterodox libertarian, as anti-capitalist and anti-liberal he is anti-state and anti-Stalinist, whose story juice showed here the true persistence in some universal principles, and that the news would appropriately demonstrate that the time would come for greater ownership of ideas by people concerned about their self-empowerment.

Create irreversible revolution now

A favorable time revolutionary uprising would therefore come, say the authors in the second part of their book "Creating the irreversible", which already manifested by " evaporation of power "(p. 31) that marked summer 1789 as the spring of 1968, as he recently scored popular evictions of Ben Ali in Tunisia and Mubarak in Egypt during 2011 . But these evictions were also followed an electoral process by which relied authoritarian restoration of state power (and the Islamic Maghreb). This cycle is known, that of the " popular revolution - Provisional Government - Elections - reaction "(p. 33), returning regularly punish the libertarian aspirations of the people, since February 1848 and September 1870 the government of social-traitor consecutive Ebert to crushing of the German Revolution of 1918-1919 through the Italian Civil War years 1944-1945. Instead of a constituent assembly which would maintain the authority of the State and the monotonous cycle of electoral scansion, the authors prescribe " immediately create irreversible "(p. 35) advocating" the dissolution of the body made "(p. 38). Issues regularly discussed by all persons, whether organized or not conscious activists exceeded the capitalist impasse, the fate of money as "abstract general equivalent" or the abolition of wage labor to overcome the economic centrality of work, are certainly not settle in one day, but will always remain in the agenda of the debate a truly democratic society give itself in the participation of the greatest number of its citizens.

What remains in some cases all, is that the current demand for a "universal guaranteed income" (or " unconditional grant of autonomy ", p. 45), as supported by liberal economists by some disciples Toni Negri conceptualizing a "cognitive capitalism "potentially liberating for" many ", not rule on the merits in any way the domination of capitalism in which the centrality of work and money and individualization of common life are asked as to 'essential prerequisite. Instead of creating an income dependent opposed to socialized salary to feed the machine of "purchasing power" fiscal redistribution, the authors advocate of free individuals money and work by creating a "constitutional process" (again like Toni Negri) that beyond the strict form of the Constituent Assembly will produce the new egalitarian society. One can ask whether from Eric Hazan and Kamo not confuse work and employment, the second term inducing capitalist capture of the first term. Work should be so free from the shackles of employment (and the accompanying structurally subordinate work, namely unemployment and job insecurity) and think Bernard Friot (but his views are not here unfortunately Most Discussed those of Lordon evoking the institution of " récommunes "synonymous with joint ownership of things abandoned the lucrative economic mismanagement ), this release calling empowering employees with employers. So the abolition of wage labor may be less than its full extension inducing the establishment of an "economic citizenship" (from 18) arise, broadening the base of the socialized part of the salary including the employer's contribution and the creation, alongside social contribution, "economic contribution" eventually replace the capital. Still, it is highly likely that " with the end of democratic capitalism, decrease the amount of work "(p. 51). And, therefore, unnecessary to maintain jobs for the circuits of capital accumulation and consumption ostentatious rich will disappear to make way for an emancipated society dogmas of " forced labor "and the" dictatorship of the economy "(p. 53). Again, despite the august reference to the Economic Xenophon economy as labor input so abstract and ultimately sided (ie: serving strict of domination). A when it would , at bottom, to get the economy and work for them: that is to say to the common and not for the benefit of some against the others.

However, we must acknowledge the support of anti-humanist writers who have good reason to laugh is heard when authoritarian arguments for the existence of the state, intended to prevent arbitrary large since the fiction of Leviathan by Thomas Hobbes that "Man" is a wolf to the "Man". For this "man" is a modern invention (the classical age precisely, as already pointed out at the time of words and things Michel Foucault in 1966) which, in addition to fold into a single abstract essence devolved the triumph of universal male the female half of humanity, reduces people to dangerous that only the state compulsion domesticate animals. " '' The Man'' simply does not exist. If there is something that actually happened to be a vile, despicable, lying, miserable, it is the state compulsion "(p. 55). This negative anthropology (as it was once a "negative theology") is a political fiction dismissing people from their capacity to want to live in a better world. And, on behalf of the worst (and only a few) trends he n is not that they did not exist and that only the state can suppress authoritarianism while with the authoritarianism of the capital, the state supports them . Without going into Rousseau's myth of the noble savage (no more evident than the Hobbesian lycanthrope), we would rather bet, because when revolution, the real aspirations of the peoples whose application is the first day of their dignity violated. And this bet, based on many historical precedents (such as the emancipation of going home without pay in the extermination at the time of the Commune in 1871, the Spanish revolution of 1936 and the Municipality of Shanghai 1967 ) must be able to ignore the eternal anti-totalitarian quibble that systematically identifies the revolution barbarism to leave untouched the 're misleading s need s of capitalism and statism .

Boundaries of discourse on the organization, ecology, militant forces available ...

" To create irreversible, we must avoid that a State is reconstituted "(p. 57) pose the authors citing Saint-Just:" A nation is a dangerous enemy, it is his government "( ibid ) . And this loss, far from causing chaos, will lead in its implementation fainting this " bureaucratic centralism "(p. 60), avatar of bourgeois" democratic centralism "Leninist Soviet bureaucracies produced daily at the Nationally disorder social . And decentralization will not slyly served to reaffirm a little state presence at all territorial levels - municipal regional level, departmental, cantonal. Just for the sake of smoking synonymous delegation weight of government debt on the entire society austerity, gel overall operating grants that the State "shall" to local communities since 1984 understand how the territorial autonomy is not an empty word. This is why democracy without capitalism called for by the authors of First revolutionary measures will be established from a nationwide network, the " scale of villages and neighborhoods, at least on a scale localized " (p. 61). And it is at this level that meetings, working groups, collectives various , committees heterogeneous bloom (but the authors have probably not thought about the "hundred flowers" Mao) guaranteeing themselves the application their decision without relying on standard procedures of parliamentary formalism (the secret ballot representing only solution ultimately sanctioning a " failure to agree ", p. 63). Nevertheless, this decision position does not call the celebration of a classic principle advocates of "direct democracy e ", namely the General Assembly. While individuals experienced in the exercise can affect their progress and influence decisions, and it is true that persist reflexes consisting shirk delegating to those that are so clothes the delegate the General Assembly and popular sovereignty it implies seem difficult to circumvent in a persistent open-ended in its self-institution democracy process (to paraphrase the philosopher Jean-Luc Nancy). Also, the criticism has appropriate social networks and the Internet supposed to make possible new revolution (as some media have noticed during the " P pring Arab ") n ' is based in reminding the powers of inter-subjectivity coupled emancipatory power of the " palaver, contact with the eyes and hands, bus glasses in common "(p. 65).

It may, however, criticize this quick inventory possible revolutionary lack of reflection devoted to structuring inter or Federal from which to organize the heterogeneous fabric of collective on a larger territory than the level local and communal ( a reflection that would lead to ensure not to give these new structures no own power by requiring its participants to adopt the rigorous imperative mandates turning s) . Imperative and rotating delegation, extended to everyone because the egalitarian premise is (to paraphrase Jacques Rancière ) that everyone is capable of, she automatically leads to political representation and thus to reconstruct the small class politician? It is not there something more secured e that would guarantee social collapse and barbarity consecutive farrowing state. There are still areas (including industrial) requiring that they be invested at province (rather than the region of bureaucracy promised to disappear) as the whole country, whether energy (nuclear power is immediately referred) to the channels of communication through the information channels. Regarding the field of health, two enemies are clearly identified: the pharmacy (the " huge unpacking ", p 69.) and medical imaging (this" hoax ", p 70.). In the process, the environmental issue is raised quickly dismissed (and a little too quickly, as in Alain Badiou elsewhere) to name that the environmental registry would be in the dominant policy of citizen guilt. The theses of radical ecology or eco-socialism are not even of ébattue s and one " urban sprawl "at risk of desertification of the countryside is dotted here as the big problem urgently addressed. It is a little short, especially as a critique of productivism is a condition sine qua non to overcome organizational patterns of production of a life together. E t escape and industry standards, historically shared by the Soviet state capitalism and by the mixed or liberal capitalism of western economies, weighed their weight in the devastation environmental warming.

The story is not finished , it is written everywhere today ...

The authors cite as evidence to support the sense of rational and egalitarian organization capable of exercising the lower classes in their desire to revitalize rural desertified by the violence of bureaucratic centralism Tarnac located on the plateau of Millevaches and Marinaleda in Andalusia. While this is certainly a " islands in the ocean of bureaucratic capitalism "(p. 86) Victims of State offensive aimed at denigrating and disorganized (as was seen during the pseudo Tarnac "Julien Coupat case"), these examples also demonstrate a desire to thwart the authors actually existing practice of spontaneity potential critical mass that could send their " activists néotrotskystes factions, or néoléninistes néomaoïstes offering on the way union processions their written in a language of another time newspapers "(p. 107). We may regret here as strict reduction potential strengths offered by the extreme left groups critical of their practices certainly still largely impregnated sectarianism that exclusion from the scope of the reflection of labor, heterogeneous and streaked with contradictions (between the energy of some militant bases and ossification of federal and confederal structures) . The final request for a " meet us "also requires more than this type of cleavage weighing all their weight on the revolutionary future cleavage name which should address the real bigotry of some cynical judgment of others, can be unorganized. The repeated unidentified groups of women and unemployed residents of neighborhoods and youth a clear reference impressionism, pointillism or in the statement of existing forces against which appears to be more difficult to break the revolutionary tiger. If we share the idea that we should get out of " wait and talkative " (p. 107) own the classic revolutionary organizations still the question of organization and structure in the desire of the popular self-emancipation, effective revolutionary period, will also affect the structural or organizational level of communalism or federalism liaison between, for example, workplaces and places of residence, including all as places to live . This is a blind spot proposals authors first revolutionary measures which demand is projected revolution, excluding activists that the revolutionary meaning remains yet operating on collective that one wonders whether the defense of their immediate, legitimate interests as they are, overlaps well the desire of communism. And it's usually the problem when reading the book, the dissociation of the revolutionary question of communism pushing work in the sense of ownership by the largest number of its principles .

Finally, the third and final part of the book, entitled "Let the games begin," is primarily a spell on the question of fascism. Except that the apprehension of the problem here is contradictory. On the one hand, in fact, it is to distinguish the " fascistic impregnation current "militarized fascism of the 1930s (p. 100). On the other hand, however, the situation is the multiplication European (Germany, Greece) maintained by the anti-immigrant speech relayed by the media and political consensus racist violence. And so-called "populist" (the quotes timely given to the term "drift populism "encourage legitimate to argue, as did the political scientist Annie Collovald , a catch-all concept and consensus regarding identification in the same category left extremist the left and right-wing) parties of the whole spectrum politician, instead of devitalized right-wing parties do that maintaining consensus leading logically strengthen the legitimacy of their nationalist arguments. We do not really understands then the assumption that fascism was a " decoy "(p. 103). It is understood even less then what mentioned the despicable murder of Clement Meric. The pretext, highly misleading, is that the reaction to fascism as an infernal dialectic would reinvigorate while " giving the impression of supporting the existing democratic order "(p. 104). But the fake Democrats and Liberals contrefichent true today of anti-fascism. The criticism of Impressionism clean the vision of the authors of First revolutionary measures are to find easily enhanced, especially as CAPAB (the fascist collective Paris-Banlieue which belonged activist murdered), and other anti-fascist groups , fight with their means (which can still reasonably discuss) against fascism understood as watchdog of capitalism. Among the group designated without further clarification by Eric Hazan and Kamo to support the revolutionary effectiveness, it would be those and the same will probably will not wait to be part of this dynamic.

The lack of political connection between communism and revolution, lack of strategy backed Impressionism reading the existing lack of reflection on the structures to be invented to unite the revolutionary forces inventing a new life together, spades without effect against the extreme left sectarianism or the impasse of fascism, and the almost forgotten the words of anarchist and libertarian communist groups eventually combine and weaken somewhat the arguments of the authors of First Steps revolutionary . However, what remains is their revolutionary passion, a passion greater than all the sacrifices and all the resignations that we are common , and certifies could there are fewer differences than to overcome differences in discussions to come ( including next Tuesday, November 5 at the Bookstore, 23 bvd. Lenin, in Bobigny , 18:30).
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