A-Infos (en) Anarkismo.net: Ireland, The crisis, the angry and the left* by Manu GarcÃa

The organizers of the recent Anarchist Bookfair in Dublin had the happy idea of ââinviting 
a speaker for each of the countries of the periphery of the European Union tested with or 
without rescue, the emergency plan designed by the International Monetary Fund and the 
European Central Bank, consisting of massive public spending cuts, privatization and 
attacks on rights and entitlements of workers. A full-scale offensive of the rich and 
powerful for the greater glory of financial power and evil of the popular classes. -- In 
my speech, as speaker of the Spanish state, alluded to the nature of the crisis and its 
specific characters here but, basically, I emphasized the responses to it were being 
deployed from both the government and from employers, the rightist opposition, the left 
and the labor movement and popular. I ended up referring to the most burning issue: the 
demonstrations against the privatization of health and education in Madrid and Barcelona 
and the convening of the 15-M.

Crisis response

President Zapatero said as he began his second term while his ears looming crisis in 2008, 
one of the priorities of his government would be the development of social measures. That 
did not result in a change of direction in economic policy, but only in the development of 
some welfare programs and a shy nature resistance to implement the aggressive agenda 
promoted by the employer, beyond some concessions and of course the gift of rigor the 
financial system. The government's aim was to maintain social peace, for which it had the 
support of bureaucratic unionism, which was satisfied with the crumbs offered him from 
above, rather than fight for an exit from the crisis that would benefit below.

Two years later, in 2010, without a counterweight solid union, the government yielded to 
pressure from employers and financial powers and launched, with the excuse of the crisis, 
to fully implement the economic agenda of big capital. A program that also was and remains 
the right-wing opposition (Partido Popular) that, since losing the 2004 election, shows 
the face of public intransigence and systematic attack against everything emanating from 
government as part of a strategy Wear to return as soon as possible to the government. 
Undoubtedly, the reversal of the government is benefiting politically because erodes the 
social basis of the Socialist Party, to apply it a number of anti-social in which the 
right has not had to soil their hands, the PSOE has done the work dirty. The appellant's 
argument is right to blame Zapatero (not anti-social policy, but his "disability") of the 
crisis and its consequences.

The Greek debt crisis was the latest step in the government's absolute obedience to the 
directives from the headquarters of the richest, in May 2010 presented a plan of setting a 
value of 15,000 million, mainly affected public employees, and in June approved a labor 
reform by decree prompted by the spokesmen of the employers. Bureaucratic unionism, 
ideologically linked to the PSOE, but down from below, was first forced to call a strike 
of public workers for the June 8 and after a general strike on 29 September.

The strike, called by the union bureaucracy but extended by the commitment of the real 
left and militant trade unionism, and subsequent efforts to combat anti-social unit to 
attack (such as mass demonstrations in defense of the Health and Public Education) were 
one factor that points in the Dublin conference as revitalizing the popular movement and 
the real left, which has to its credit with very important experiences that have served as 
catalysts of discontent and are examples of how to act, beating together responsible for 
the crisis through broad alliances of militant trade unionism and social movements: the 
strikes of the Madrid subway, public transportation strike in Barcelona or the already 
mentioned mobilizations against privatization of health and education are three examples 
of authentic expressions of popular power, milestones that show the need and the immense 
possibilities that opens up the formation of a pole fighting against the social pact and 
the overcoming of the current political and economic framework.
The movement of 15-M and challenges for the left

Weariness of the consequences of a crisis is unlikely to subside and the perception of 
both government and opposition are not doing anything to benefit the bottom and instead 
are promoting and privileges cuts for the wealthy, have been the leaven of the 
demonstrations that have emerged today, featuring urban youth with university but which 
are having a significant presence deeply social sectors hit by the crisis: long-term 
unemployed from the construction sector and derivatives , pensioners, workers in both the 
public and private sector, students who are concerned about the lack of job prospects upon 
completion of their careers ... It is undeniable that the left and social union is 
contributing to the protests, despite their relative lack of specific program, a 
considerable political and human capital. It's getting to their positions attract a broad 
field that, by its usual organizational dispersion and confinement in local and sectoral 
fiefdoms, he could not go, but with connecting to the level of criticism of a system 
immersed in a crisis, too representativeness.

It should be noted that these protests are on the eve of parliamentary and local elections 
in some places, regional, to be held on Sunday 22 and that are calibrated as a thermometer 
and the first pulse before the general election next year. The hard right, which takes as 
its first assault to the reconquest of the government (given the weakness of the 
institutional left) is reviving all its ghosts and imagines conspiracies behind the scenes 
to "wrest the government again." And, oddly enough, is arguing that the 11-M, 2004 were 
part of a "socialist plot" to unseat him in elections three days later ... is not a 
marginal position within its ranks, but held by some of its major news and opinion from 
then until today. The alleged alliance "PSOE-ETA" is part of the plot, we have seen in 
recent weeks in the manifestations of the Association of Victims of Terrorism or the 
insistence of newspapers as "The World" in relation to the Ministry of Interior with ETA 
in the "case pheasant." No wonder, therefore, not able to capitalize politically 
discontent of youth who are on the street and make her readings delusional reasons: if the 
voting intention polls listed first is more demerits of the adversary that own merits.

Far from the feverish dream of the right, the invitation to appear on May 15 as an 
appetizer was the demonstration with the slogan "Youth Without Future" held in April, and 
was inspired in turn by the claims and methods "GeraÃÃo to scratch" in Portugal, the 
protests in the Arab world and by the "Icelandic revolution." It is no coincidence that 
one of the ways to make visible the anger is by taking a seat with a strong symbolic 
content. Once again demonstrates the importance of such as spark a prairie fire on the 
point by the heat of the capitalist crisis.

This movement, unlike others that have been cited as background for his character and 
social composition, such mobilizations against the war in Iraq in 2004 or "V for Housing" 
(protesting the lack of access to housing by young people), goes beyond the circumstantial 
and the political moment, because unlike then, the crisis is here to stay and is hitting 
pretty hard on that highly qualified youth, in the absence of political maturity, 
organizational experience and leadership, has a great capacity for mobilization and 
creation of such opinion and as their number is an important force that can weigh not only 
electorally but also in terms of the balance of power between classes.

If from the field of militant trade unionism and left breakaway make an effort to state 
clearly and without fuss our proposals for social change and respect the different pace of 
organizational and awareness, we may be interested in our views and engage in processes 
offensive anti-capital specific to a very wide social spectrum is beginning to awaken 
politically these days.

We need to introduce ourselves as fighting pole as feasible alternatives to the status quo 
and in doing so, we must get rid of the heavy burden of sectarianism, "organizational 
patriotism" and the vices isolationist and present a united front against the social pact 
and the institutionalization of politics, able to excite and to take the fight to a new 
stage, dispute the hegemony of the ruling classes.

You can not underestimate, much less despise, activated by not having a content as clear 
as we'd like, we must bear in mind that practically arise in the organizational and 
political vacuum, without reference solid overall, because of the inability of the system 
to respond to the needs and aspirations of social sectors increasingly broad weakness is 
compounded by the pole fighting, the problems already mentioned, to channel social unrest 
and discontent. We must work to make this diffuse movement converges with the processes of 
social and trade union left and the concrete class struggle, not isolate it for being 
"impure" or flower of a day. It has been a very important area of ââpoliticization for 
many people, especially young people, which is the first time participating in social 
mobilization.

The movement may decline after the 22-M, but the malaise among those who are poking and 
sympathize with him, no. It is important to be there. We had many years waiting for this 
moment, do not let escape. DesprendÃmonos of blinkers and Let 's hit the accelerator.
=================================================
* The following article was written for the Irish newspaper "Workers Solidarity" by Manuel 
Garcia, rapporteur for the Spanish state in a roundtable on the crisis in the peripheral 
countries of the European Union in Dublin on 14 May.
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