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(en) Anarkismo.net: Colombia, On the meeting of Barrancabermeja: a step forward for the popular movement in Colombia by Josà Antonio GutiÃrrez D. [machine translation]

Date Mon, 29 Aug 2011 11:05:47 +0300


From day 12 until August 15 gathered in Barrancabermeja (Santander) between 20,000 and 30,000 delegates and a host of popular movements, indigenous people and Afro-Colombians to discuss the commitment of the popular sectors to the intensification of social conflict and armed. This meeting, convened by the Peasant Association of Cimitarra River Valley (ACVC) is of the utmost importance and marks a major political turning point in the country for several reasons. ---- " The government says farmers initiated the violence. Farmers say that was the government. French intellectuals of all currents, after investigating, they say that farmers have the right (...) We know that the similarity of the landing of the Marines in Santo Domingo with the landings of the Colombian army, led by the U.S. military mission in the "independent republics".

These landings will continue. Yesterday, Rio Chiquito, Sumapaz morning, the day after the Ariari and Llanos. The army begins military civic action and ends with the bombing begins just pulling teeth and getting shot. Farmers know that the military and bring a hand forward and one behind the bread with the knife. The 'republic dependent' of Colombia will continue to obey the Americans to fire and sword destroy other independent republics of Colombia. This was ordered by the U.S. House. Our farmers, you know what to expect. You know what it takes to prepare. They embark on an adventure but do not shun the fight. "
(Camilo Torres, United Front , October 7, 1965. Re-published in " Christianity and Revolution "was Ed, 1972, 2nd ed., pp. 541 - 544)

From day 12 until August 15 gathered in Barrancabermeja (Santander) between 20,000 and 30,000 delegates and a host of popular movements, indigenous people and Afro-Colombians to discuss the commitment of the popular sectors to the intensification of social conflict and armed. This meeting, convened by the Peasant Association of Cimitarra River Valley (ACVC) is of the utmost importance and marks a major political turning point in the country for several reasons.

First of all, because the subject of a political solution to conflicting social and assembly is reinstalled in the country's political agenda . While it may be said that such a thing has not happened yet to hegemonic to the "public opinion", if installed in a decisive way in the popular movement, and increasingly in other social sectors have come together to discuss solutions substantive and structural nature are the basis of the conflict. Military means as a single solution has been run on the one hand, to the revival of social unrest in several bands of people, and secondly, by increasing military response capability of the insurgency to the enormous military pressure imposed from the implementation of Plan Colombia, again demonstrating the ability of insurgents to readjust tactics and banging the establishment. Ultimately, it is increasingly evident since the end of the period of the Uribe government, the limit of a purely military response to a conflict that, above all, have deep social roots. This does not mean that the oligarchy renounce direct military victory (type Sri Lanka) or indirect (demobilization type M-19 or Guatemala), in fact, while Santos speaks of his willingness to talk, put impossible conditions while deepening war, indiscriminate bombing of entire communities, as recently occurred in the village of Chaparral, Tolima, and puts a price on the head of the insurgent commanders in the best tradition of the Far West. The apparent depletion of a military solution only means, from the point of the oligarchy, which is looking to open in parallel, certain political processes that seek more co-optation of popular sectors in order to preclude the consolidation of a popular block incorporating all subaltern social sectors and oppressed can, at any given time, materialize in an eventual process of political negotiation and mobilization to press this scenario.

Second, it reaffirms the agrarian conflict fundamentally social and armed . Even though the oligarchs try to build a smokescreen to detract from the nature of conflicts related to common crime or banditry forms of neo-or "drugging" in media coverage, popular movements reaffirm the intimate link between the problem of "land" and "territory" (the latter primarily used to express the dimension of sovereignty and self determination incorporating Afro-Colombian and indigenous actors) with the conflict and the struggle of broad popular with a certain social-economic model "development" expressed today in the National Development Plan for Rural Development. This makes the debate on solving the key point of conflict in which the oligarchy has proven completely inflexible in six decades: the agrarian reform. Although it is clear that the conflict has become increasingly complex, we do not believe that a political solution can ignore this issue and postpone it for an uncertain future. The solution to the problem of large estates and a model of exploitation linked to large agro-export and agro-industrial capital, as well as the intensive exploitation of natural resources, mining and energy (with the problems of violent expropriation of the peasantry through terror, violence and forced displacement), as well as proposals for reform that have been being developed by peasant organizations and indigenous and African descent, are the solution to the conflict. Solutions like that have been searched in the demobilization process (not trading) prior, which touch only superstructural aspects as mere constitutional or legal changes in levels of participation in the oligarchic state-paramilitary, can only pave the way for new cycles of violence as they are by definition exclusionary agreements.

Third, in this sense, it is important to read the rejection of those attending the meeting to current government policies regarding law and restitution to victims of land , for while the speech posed as historical response to the demands of the peasantry, are merely a way to ignore them in their own tradition of "enlightened despotism" in order to legalize the theft, to ensure the whitening face the current economic model that will remain intact and block institutionally any serious discussion of land reform. This statement is even more important, because with all the pressure that the current government has to co-opt the popular movement sectors (in which task undoubtedly have had some success with indigenous and union movements, or at least their superstructural elements that today represent the sad role of belt of "good will" of government), we see that clearly outlines a sector of the popular movement that claims the right to autonomy, to develop their own policy processes independently ( in a sense of political and class) to be an actor in its own right and not subordinated to the state has sought to criminalize suffocating and annihilating any social movement that is positioned in front of or against it. While many leaders choose to co-optation and class collaboration with the oligarchy paramilitary bases are not necessarily in that way. And that, considering all the horrors of the dirty war, means a lot.

Fourth, because the popular movement had gathered in Barrancabermeja clarity raise the issue of peace and conflict resolution to state in unequivocal terms , that breaks while demanding impossible conditions for the insurgency, has not been able to make a single gesture of goodwill towards a political solution, demonstrating that commitment to a military solution undoubtedly and a peace of "winners and losers," despite a rhetoric the less belligerent, when compared to the previous government of Uribe. The cutesy little formula and complicated Santos that " the keys to peace are not lying, but the door is closed and only I can open it "must be rejected unequivocally. The fundamental pressure for a political solution should be required of the state because the state is the one who started the dirty war against the whole people, and who maintains it, using the model of "development" for despoiling by paramilitary tentacles that stifle any expression of opposition by war and normal operation of the economy. Require cessation issues like "bilateral" fire is of the utmost importance, since leaving this hateful unilateralism that had fallen speech "humanitarian" in Colombia, including letters of Colombians for Peace recently put demands only insurgency, ignoring that there are two sides in this conflict.

Fifth, because the manifesto of the meeting demonstrates understanding of the political solution, because fundamentally social nature, rather than armed conflict in Colombia, does not happen only through dialogue between parties involved in the military struggle . Without a strong involvement of the whole people, with its multiplicity of resistance and functional expressions, you can not overcome the root of the conflict. Those who want to reduce the conflict to negotiation between the so-called "armed groups" unaware of the nature of conflict and therefore, no vision for solving it. However, we must insist that the line is not between "armed" on the one hand, and "civilians" on the other. This dichotomy, in fact, is misleading and has been a very heavy legacy of the NGO-ization of popular movements and the incorporation of Colombian speeches "civilians" trying to impose concepts of neutrality or "crossfire" that obscure the real nature of social conflict and removal of those who directly or indirectly involved in it. We must recognize that there are clear class interests in the conflict, and with all the internal contradictions that may arise in popular block, either by politics or tactics, it represents a clearly defined against the power bloc. On the block are popular traditions of resistance and popular struggle diverse, ranging from insurgency to the non-violent forms of resistance. It is important not to allow tactical differences imposed as a wall against the identification of common interest and build an alternative political project group, which represents the best possible way, in general, popular interest and historical bloc ratings. This does not, repeat, ignoring internal differences or even quarrels which certainly exist and are legitimate, but understand that before a power bloc that has clearly defined its interests beyond formal or tactical differences, the division within the village will be detrimental to all sectors.

Undoubtedly, the meeting represented an important step forward for the popular movement, especially in light of the undoubted attempts at cooptation of government as well as attempts to undermine its character by certain political sectors and the media, through a series of bold statements made ââprior to the meeting.

However, we know that the path to political resolution of conflict is difficult because the oligarchy lacks political will and generosity to accept the following solutions to overcome them. There arises a series of questions from which to explore the way the political dialogue on the relationship between forms of resistance, how to build this alternative project group, which will be so radical and profound changes in the political structure in the understanding that Colombia will not change at a stroke, and so on. But the meeting was undoubtedly a step towards the realization of this large space of convergence in the struggle, resistance and building a more humane society that is required to smile at the future of new generations of Colombians Colombia.

left as an annex, the Manifesto of the meeting and the framework for an alternative farm bill peasant organizations. We hope that both serve as input to the debate that currently provide the popular sectors, the heat of the struggles, the articulation of the popular movement and maturation of policy initiatives with the prospect of social transformation.


Josà Antonio GutiÃrrez D.
August 24, 2011


Manifesto for land and peace: Dialogue is the path


The thousands of people attending the national meeting of campesino, Afro-descendant and indigenous land and the peace of Colombia. Dialogue is the path held in Barrancabermeja of 12 to 14, 2011 declared against Colombian society and the international community:

1. We concluded our meeting with a record of great success. The goals we set for ourselves to analyze the situation of the country have more than fulfilled. We consider specifically our concerns about the future of our land, our land and our resources, democracy, the situation and guarantee our rights, and the state of war and the possibilities for a political solution.

2. These results are an expression of public mass demonstration and aspiration, which was made ââpublicly and has been transmitted by media. The fruits of this meeting are exclusive product of our sacrifice and collective effort and desire to find paths to peace.

3. We appreciate the support of the Church of the Governor of Santander and the mayor of Barrancabermeja, as well as the international community, especially some of the organizations committed to the causes of human rights and peace. Their competition has been of greater significance.

4. We reject the face of government policies over the last decade have been implemented in the country to promote an economic model that favors the intensive exploitation of our land and natural resources, favoring transnational corporations and economic groups, accentuating conflicts for land and the struggle for territory, stimulates new condemnation proceedings, pillage and forced displacement, deteriorates radically social processes and compromises our terms of food security and sovereignty. This economic model destroys the peasant economy, the territories of indigenous and African descent and produces a scaling of the dynamics of social and armed conflict that afflicts our country.

5. We express our concern at the government project of general law land and rural development, the law of victims and land restitution and the National Development Plan, because it guarantees the rights of the citizens and favor the current model is not beneficial to mining and energy the environment and the Colombian people.

6. We affirm our support for the draft comprehensive agrarian reform law, presented by farmers' organizations, built by the Bureau of Land Unit and presented at this meeting, considering that it largely reflects the aspirations of the Colombian rural population, and demand society the widest support.

7. Democracy in our country and the generation of better conditions for effective and secure our rights demand a new model that enables the use of our resources and wealth, overcoming the deep economic and social inequalities, based on the good life of our population.

8 . We are concerned that despite the formal recognition of the Colombian conflict by the present government and their statements about the key to peace would not be lost, it is clear that the claim of a military solution is at the top of the government agenda and responds to a misguided concept of "peace of victors and vanquished." The history of the conflict in Colombia has shown that military solutions do not lead to peace. Therefore, we can no longer trapped by the prospect of an escalation of the war and a growing foreign military intervention. We do not want to continue our lives with the constant threat of bombs and bullets. It's time to end the war. political solution is a necessity.

9. We are aware that the prospect of political settlement has many enemies, especially those who benefit from the existing state of affairs and society of privileges that supports them. Disable disadvantage war also those who have made ââit a lucrative business. Colombians have the right to promote the conscious creation of new conditions to take the path that could lead to a different procedure based on the use of violence, so that conflicts that are inherent in our society, can travel on the path of dialogue and social justice peace.

10. We are convinced about the need to advance in the conception and realization of a path of peace, which has the next goal the creation of a national movement with international support with a clear mandate to promote the construction of peace with social justice and political solution to the social and armed conflict. Walking in this direction demands the creation of a climate favorable. It is urgent to work together to consolidate a culture of peace. We believe that the parties involved directly in confrontation should, as a mutual gesture against Colombian society a bilateral cessation of hostilities, opening the possibility of dialogue. Similarly, the consideration of humanitarian commitments and agreements that allow stop violence against civilians and all atrocious crimes.

11 . General statements about peace and dialogue are insufficient and have often been accompanied by escalation of the war. Therefore this meeting and made ââgestures required of all parties that mean positive responses to the demands of the population, communities rural, indigenous and Afro: High to forced displacement and dispossession, unconditional respect for the rights of children and women, guarantee and respect the rights of victims; non-militarization of the territories, respect for the autonomy of people Indians. Stop the war and build peace. It's time for a political solution.

12. We need to realize the idea which is that dialogue is the route. Materialize implies, above all, the broader social participation and popular. political solution can not be a matter of exclusive competence of the parties involved directly in the military struggle. "All Voices, all hands all" of this country need to be heard and mobilized to lay the foundations that enable us to move to peace and social justice. This is a challenging task organization, politicization and mobilization, we want to take all those willing to accompany her, and in addition to all the efforts and social and grassroots initiatives through different ways and through various organizational expressions have been developed in the country. That space is to build and expand guaranteeing respect for the social organizations and their autonomy. Its starting point is in the myriad manifestations of the social and popular collective action in different organizational processes with different approaches and different political perspectives have been developing in our country during recent years.

13. We propose that all these efforts, coordinate between themselves and together with other expressions of social organization or attending local sectoral concerns, ethnic, or gender come together in the preparation and implementation of regional constituents, spaces of popular sovereignty and participation, conceived as mechanisms for building peace and social justice and political solution.'s design, should enable consideration of the general problem of conflict and its outputs as well as addressing the respective regional specificities. These processes involve the active and direct participation of the broadest sectors of society, serving its diversity and plurality, and should be conducive to the precise definition regional command.

14. These dynamics represent spaces of convergence towards a Constituent National Assembly and regional peace processes. In the assembly should come out a national mandate for a political solution and peace with social justice, with their definitions and programmatic political action. All this effort has a chance if he can accompany more certain of the international community

15. The conclusions of this meeting, a product of our hard work in different working groups, as well as the policy statement will be delivered to Colombian society , the central government and other branches of government and the guerrillas of the FARC-EP and ELN, in order to express our willingness and desire to explore urgently because actions to untie the knot of confrontation and move towards a political solution and peace. We are convinced that this is the growing feeling of the Colombian people: Living at peace with social justice. 16. We invite all participating organizations to promote and participate in different scenarios and initiatives to further strengthen the stakes this meeting.


National Meeting of peasant, indigenous, African descent LAND AND PEACE IN COLOMBIA. DIALOGUE IS THE PATH BARRANCABERMEJA 14 AUGUST 2011


*******

Alternate land law from peasant organizations


The popular Project for Agrarian Reform and Rural Development: An initiative from the grassroots agricultural recovery to achieve economic, cultural, territorial and environmental rural communities and contribute effectively to the consolidation of peace in Colombia.

CONTEXT:


â At the international aspects such as land grabbing, by country and intercountry a major global connotation fight in defense of territories and territorial (rural / urban).

â The humanitarian and food crisis, has generated large inequalities deaths, lack of protection, which requires joint action, such forming the Committee interlocusion communal peasant farmers CICC-market, enabling the connection between producers / as and the rural-urban partnerships.

â The National Bureau of Agricultural unit is composed of various peasant organizations, ethnic, communal and women, of national and regional levels as the name suggests, seeks to unify criteria, approaches, methodology and a common proposal, around the rural and social struggle.

â A various expressions of national political and social spaces as COMOSOCOL converge to build a collective effort of the unit of social struggle and mobilization.

â We build a new country, people power and a lasting peace means new approaches, methodologies , inclusive multicultural unity, drive and handle knowing rule.


ALTERNATIVE PROCESS BACKGROUND


Rural communities in Colombia and their organizations, with the support of popular and democratic sectors of our country have been developing an alternative bill of comprehensive agrarian reform, democratic and rural development, which contrasts fundamentally with the bill that present the National Congress Government in the coming days.

The agrarian movement and the Colombian social class, made ââup of organizations of peasants, Indians, blacks, women, displaced farm workers and the support of labor unions, and popular community aware of gravity lives in rural Colombia that have drafted a bill popular, for two and a half years, through participatory analysis, thoughtful discussion and tidy and the creative input of their experience and social practices from all regions and parts of the country, as an expression of their vocation and political will and unequivocal decision of the need to contribute to building better conditions for the countryside and rural households and provide Colombian society an alternative that will help restore the sovereignty autonomy and safety, food, activity multiversity agriculture and sustainable development of natural resources, agriculture, biodiversity and environmental sustainability of rural and rural household economy. This collective effort takes initiatives such as the bill presented by the National Council of Agricultural Organizations and Indigenous CONAIC in 1993, which was an alternate proposal to project number 114 of the Government of the time and subsequently the bed of the Government developed as Law 160 of 1994; By then only achieved by fighting and marches, including the figure of peasant reserve areas.

Bill popular agrarian reform and rural development, now returns, also welcomes the initiatives embodied in the National Agrarian Mandate approved by the National Agricultural Congress held in April 2003, whose themes are aimed at resolving situations and structural problems of the population and rural areas, such as high levels of poverty rural economic uprooting the field, the farm crisis and violence against the Communities and the banishment of rural families.

Peasant Mandate and comprehensive proposal for rural communities, was ratified by many organizations and continues to be a political reference and a flag struggle for popular democracy. Another crucial moment was the social and political summit held in August 2009, more than 45 agricultural organizations, environmental groups, sectors and regions together, re-direct this very important task for the country, sector of Colombian society. Likewise, the various assemblies, meetings workshops peasant organizations, women, displaced farm workers, regions, other sectors were strengthened in content, considering it as a banner of uncompromising political struggle.


SCOPE OF OUR APPROACH

Achieved the approval of the bill popular social land by achieving the necessary support, through the united struggle and massive agrarian movement and popular, would provide a regulatory and institutional framework that would enable the collection of claims in aspects like:

â Strengthening rural organizations and their management capabilities to government agencies.

â Your real impact on programs and projects of agrarian reform and rural development in the field of public bodies and authorities.

â reversal of extreme concentration of land ownership.

â Recognition of the role and importance of the peasant economy.

â The protection of cultural and ethnic diversity.

â The economic recovery in agricultural production

â Protection of natural resources, biodiversity and the environment.

â The recovery of the sovereignty, independence and food security.

â Overall contribute to improving the living conditions of rural people.

â The recovery of dignity as citizens in Colombia.

Popular Bill land that is presented to rural communities and the popular sectors, seeks to concretize principles of the Constitution of Colombia as Articles 64, 65 and 66 in order establishes the duty of the Colombian State to guarantee access to land of agricultural workers, the special protection of food production as an exercise full sovereign power of rural people and special credit must be in agricultural production.

For the good performance on general purpose, objectives, principles and mechanisms of development and implementation of the popular agrarian law proposed, among others, the creation of the National Economic and Social Policy for Agricultural and Rural-Rural-CONPES, to enable the formulation, coordination, evaluation and monitoring of public policies and allow the representation of peasant, indigenous and black women as well as the rural sector, cooperative sector, displaced and environmental organizations and conservationists nationally representative and regionally.
On the other hand, the creation and establishment of the System National Agrarian Reform and Rural Development and the conformation to within ten (10) subsystems, duly articulated in the national, departmental and municipal levels will force action and coherence to the various aspects that agree to implement, based on a model of broad participation and democratic decision, in which proposals and decisions will be made ââfrom local, through the regional to reach national, and not as traditionally and historically has happened, ie the strategy and programs imposed from the top government.


Founding principles.

The precarious social and economic rural people and their communities, violence uproots many rural households, non-recognition of their role in rural and agricultural sector crisis deserves urgent structural and social public policy , agrarian and economic course in the Law

The failure of government land and agricultural policies of recent governments, is expressed, among other things, in which Colombia is completely lagging behind the development sector of other Latin American countries: Colombia is dependent increasingly on food imports.

To reverse the plight and conditions mentioned above and achieve a substantial improvement of the rural disadvantaged and impoverished, the popular farm bill of the following criteria:

1. The restoration of sovereignty, autonomy and national food security and domestic food production, as provided in Article 65 of the constitution,

2. Respect for the fundamental rights of indigenous peoples and Afro-Colombian communities,

3. The recognition of social role, economic and cultural development of the rural economy and the various forms of production.

4. Priority to rural women heads of household, rural youth, victims of violence or lack of social status to access the benefits of rural policy.

5. The establishment of a law, policy and institutional framework to support the rural economy and the rest of rural communities in the production, processing and distribution of agricultural products and food,

6. The need for a computer in the sustainable use of natural resources and agricultural soils.

7. Strengthening and improving Incoder as an entity to perform the social order and productive rural properties.

8. The need to reverse the high concentration of ownership of rural land, the speculative land market.

9. Making compliance with social and ecological function of land,

10. The decisive participation of peasant organizations, indigenous and Afro-Colombian rural workers, and other agricultural sectors, decisions and decision-making bodies and,

11. Creating the conditions for the entire rural population and integral part equitably in the benefits of society.

12. Ensure full compliance with Act 21 of 1991 and Act 70 of 1993, Act 731 of 2002 and its regulations.


ORGANIZATION OF THE AGRICULTURAL SECTOR AND RURAL DEVELOPMENT GOALS BILL agrarian populism.

To comply with the planning, coordination, implementation, monitoring and evaluation programs of agrarian reform and rural development to be established, the bill provides for the following organization:

Create a National Integrated Rural Development and Agrarian Reform as a public senior, which is planning to conduct the evaluation of programs under the direction of its own council with representation from various sectors of rural communities.

At the same time and under the joint set comprised ten subsystems with high representativeness and legitimacy of representative sectors of the rural communities, Rural Development Councils and Agrarian Reform at the departmental and municipal levels.


SUBSYSTEMS:

The subsystems will address matters relating to:

a) programming and coordination of programs and projects of government agencies in coordination with local authorities;

b) The provision of land suitability and production infrastructure.

c) Technical assistance appropriate technology transfer, capacity building and training of beneficiaries.

d) The promotion and encouragement to marketing and agricultural marketing, processing of raw materials and partnering with businesses.

e) provide real access to subsidized credit and financing lines to meet the special activities of the sector as well as housing, education, training and strengthening of the Agricultural Guarantee Fund;

f) Provide a comprehensive social security and development in health risks in activities, board and recreation.

g) Ensuring the Community and socio-political actors, as subjects of rights in decisions affecting them and in the design of sectoral policies and programs.

h) Have a national mechanism on information available to agriculture and rural areas so that constantly advancing communities are aware of the programs

i) Have a mechanism to boost the fisheries and aquaculture for small and medium producers and their insertion into local and regional economy.

j) Harmonizing the attainment of sovereignty, autonomy and food security.


BUDGET.

It is proposed to allocate 5 percent of the national budget, foreign loans and domestic bonds agricultural, 10 percent of the national fund of royalties, 5 percent of food imports and agricultural raw materials, 10 percent of revenues of 4 per thousand, among others to ensure the purpose and strategies and mechanisms envisaged in the draft law

DEFENSE AND PROMOTE AGRICULTURAL BILL POPULAR

Agricultural organizations, popular, displaced, women, labor, community, cooperatives, environmental policies and who firmly believe in the foundational elements and aspects contained in the original text prepared with about 18 chapters and 242 articles and seeking to concretize important mandates related constitutional agriculture and rural dwellers, we call on all organizations and people present at this national meeting, to accompany the release of the grassroots of law and defend and promote at all levels, spaces and areas of acting as an alternative to the project that present the National Government - Ministry of Agriculture, with the full conviction that our proposal is an alternative built from the fraternal discussion and input from grassroots organizations and serving the main needs and expectations the rural population.

In this line of action, the viability and eventual realization as a law of this project at the congress of the republic, not enough recognition and support of democratic and popular sectors of the country, which is essential accompany your presentation and dealing with the agrarian and popular mobilization, given the current composition of Parliament, adverse to our claims, particularly in land reform.

We want a national debate and policy, build and make real change in the social, economic and political, which actually distribute the land and the means of production, accumulated wealth in few hands and reduce poverty and hunger in our country.





By province, FOOD AND LIFE
NO MORE LAND IN A FEW HANDS, AND MANY HANDS FREE LAND! UNIT
make us strong and persevering in the fight!

TABLE NATIONAL AGRICULTURAL UNIT. ACTION Colombian peasants, ANMUCIC, ASOGRAS, ANUC-UR, ADUC CUNDINAMARCA, ADUC CALDAS, QUINDIO ADUC, ANDAS, APEMECAFE, RURAL VALLEY ASSOCIATION CIMITARRA, CAHUCOPANA , NATIONAL COORDINATION OF DISPLACED, coordinate National Agrarian FOUNDATION SAN ISIDRO, SINTRAINCODER, FENSUAGRO, FENACOA, lanterns, NATIONAL CONFEDERATION OF COMMUNITY, ADVOCACY OFFICERS RURAL WOMEN, AND RURAL COMMITTEE INTERLOCUSION COMUNAL.-CICC, CONAP.
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