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(en) Chile, Organization Communist Libertar (OCL): Positioning address the current political situation [machine translation]

Date Mon, 01 Feb 2010 10:35:56 +0200

Our organization made public its position on the current political situation facing the country. ---- The end of a political cycle and the opening of another. ---- The two stations were programmatically alternatives one, two candidates who supported them and conglomerates represent hues, the interests of the classes that make up the power bloc. This election has closed a political cycle opened in 1988. The wear and tear of 20 years as a technocratic exercise, the absence of trading channels for political and economic interests of workers and other popular sectors, the obscene charges as quotas in public and share the economic spoils of plunder arising late the State, were among the issues that ended up sending a bill to the Coalition. This set of conditions to which we add the systematic implementation of mechanisms of social and ideological Disiplin the neoliberal agenda, the trauma they prevailed in a mass electoral dictatorship that was identical to that of 88; mass that he wanted "change" regardless from which come, not if they mean different program bet ... there are the results: the political right is coming to power by democratic means after 52 years.

Thus, neither the brake imposed by the agreement to vote voluntary automatic enrollment, or 80% support for Bachelet, nor the votes of Marco Enriquez Ominami neither of Arrate together, were sufficient to stop the debacle historical right always has been a minority in this country, but the conclusion he did the work in these 20 years not only through the consolidation of the neoliberal ideological domination devices as noted, but by way of refining the model of capital accumulation for the benefit economic monopolies of foreign imperialists and domestic and Matte, Angelini, Luksic, etc..

In this new scenario, we hold that the Coalition is far from disappearing, perhaps take another title, but to think otherwise would ignore the historic role of this group under the current economic model: Be the barrage and social policy in terms of the interests of the classes that make up the power bloc and its own interests, corporate by now. It is something to note how in these 20 years the conclusion exercised its function to perfection by way of consolidating the electoral legitimacy constitutional provisions, institutional and neoliberal economic model under the social pact opened in 1987, while he was effective demobilization and dismantling of social organizations and popular policies meant for the agreed transition instability, as also was efficient in implementing the legal framework and repressive not only the Mapuche people but to expressions of protest from people of Chile in recent 5 years.

The conclusion needs to put back the trauma if you want to govern again, it will take to align their forces in the political arena from its majority in the congress and social level through the control of traditional social organizations such as the Confederation of Workers, CONFECH, etc., but mainly from the municipal welfarism, with the co-option of territorial conflicts by means of assimilation of social organizations.

The right, in general, assumes his election victory with caution, not only is fully aware of the internal tensions that runs through it, but assumes his role of bounded political opposition to parliamentary oversight is quite different from an opposition that can take much more diverse and more capable of social mobilization. This complex situation for the new government that stresses beyond the possibilities of deepening claimed by the business model, placed in the center of the political reaffirmation of consensus through the appeal to build a Government of National Unity.

In this scenario we believe that the Christian Democrats will play a central role, as also large sections of the conclusion that changes in patronage, be played their cards to ensure the necessary levels of governance that requires Piñera, supported the idea of an "opposition responsible "under the Social Pact for 20 years governing the country and in this way will catapult the attempts to deepen the neoliberal program, without this meaning to go back on the policy of a" social protection "that emerged after the consensus typical of a mature neoliberalism.

Moreover it is possible to appreciate how the Communist Party of appetite prisoner open the binomial system, and argues that it is possible to make democratic changes because there are enough votes in parliament, in line with the concluding speech the last 20 years . Its integration in this cluster is found to be done, however we believe it can be sealed permanently by including programmatic aspects emptied of political will to carry forward, which will generate the illusion in a wide arc of their social world would need to install the Coalition again be government, this time a "government of New Type", that now complies with the "historic compromises".

Within this framework selling illusions by this agreement 2.0, which appeals to emerge as the political reforms announced by Blue Ocean days before the second round, referring to the need for a constituent assembly. And here we want to be clear: If a process of this type is installed in a context where the balance of forces is unfavorable to the popular world behind a side project to the bloc in power, this process will only strengthen the legitimacy the foundations that underpin the constitution of 80. Then the problem is not urgent but forms or political capacity, the constituent processes are certain historical junctures by variations in the correlations of class forces in conflict, and in this sense, a world popular in articulation, a constituent assembly counterproductive. We're not saying we should not give such a discussion but have sense enough to put it correctly at the tactical level, and not leave behind proposals of dubious origin that are simply not Voladero lights.

As mentioned, this electoral blow not only to the conclusion involves a realignment of forces to the inner, but will have the effect of internal explosions and subsequent parties come away from militancy either by boredom with the political logic of their leaders or by their resistance to gambling from being a "responsible opposition" to shore up the neoliberal counterrevolution. These expressions added to the middle classes who see their interests reflected in the state class in terms of political participation and social benefits, can potentially be capitalized by the political commitment embodied in Marco Enriquez - Ominami, especially in the absence of alternatives electorally viable in the two clusters.

This proposal swarming between a modernizing, neoliberal agenda neo-developmental aspects, has no organic support appears to indicate that this process can take shape in a coordinated from the social world even more with PC consultation and crowding out "initiatives from the opposition "which is already beginning to be generated, especially from the public sector.
A world of change, opportunity and future ... to the left of revolutionary intent <
The new political landscape presents an historic opportunity to experience an exponential leap in the process of accumulation of forces by the revolutionary left of intention and social organizations class.

The historic right underpinned by the social compact of 87, has ruled this country for over 37 years, but in the last 20 without the supervision of executive power, this new scenario, and without pivots by generating uncertainty in broad sectors population on its real nature becomes clearer class domination exercised shields showing the role of institutional and political referents that sustain it, particularly the right, the most recalcitrant sector of the national political spectrum who is willing to defend to the play the ultimate consequences of imperialism, Pinochet and his Chicago Boys.

Moreover, it will expose the historical role of consultation, to boost his political mediocrity substantial reforms, which not only manifests its commitment to the work of the dictatorship. It will be clear for the mass deciduous disappointed with this project, which promised democratic reforms were only possible to implement in as they had had the political will to break with the Social Pact that supported the ill-named transition.

Thus the tactical-strategic task for the revolutionary left of intent class and social organizations, is obvious: Breaking the Social Pact, tensing democratic and economic reforms that armor crushing of the institutional and political model of accumulation: this will require mass politics-minded majority that will allow deepening the process of building strength and become a block class antagonisms that ultimately means the opening of a scenario where the class struggle in Chile.

To advance in this path, in our view, it is first necessary to assess intentions within this band of people organized to build on four key issues:

1 .- To reaffirm and deepen commitment to the development of mass integration of our political and social projects,

2 .- To promote programmatic discussion in the heat of battle and the role of popular organizations,

3 .- Open political debate about the various perspectives tactical, strategic and programmatic aspects around.

4 .- If possible, as a proposal to develop a general framework for the accumulation of forces in Chile to organize and articulate our political forces and social level.

In the immediate context and with the ongoing withdrawal of the coalition and the PC to the social and political siege on government social organizations Piñera cutting class, it is necessary to reach agreements that avoid minimum isolation of these organizations promoting the reflection on the possibilities for progress in linking the sectors of social class such expressions, which also involve a qualitative change in the organization of the people.

This glimpse into the current context and the development of the axis of proposals, reaffirmed to us the need for the construction of the project and libertarian policy organization will be placed as part of a larger process of expansion and consolidation of positions within the field class popular . That is why we believe a little reflection relevant that, in retrospect, to take us to comprehend the scope of our efforts.
On the construction of our political project
Since 1999 we have assumed that our contribution to building a liberation project in Chile was not sufficient, there was a story that preceded and we put the work together with others to rebuild from the bottom and inside fragmented social fabric in diaspora or decaying. This approximation to reality, however, faced several theoretical and even ideological parent, faced several organic models, lines and political practices, being clear that in this process establishing even irreconcilable differences arise which would lead it to switch.

Since 2003, the process of building a political organization more defined and solid raised the need to adapt to a new context given by a deeper level of impact in the social world, allowing us to understand and accept the logic established and its rhythms, as also the idiosyncrasies of the organizations and individuals that shape them. Thus, we immerse ourselves in the process of restructuring, not as an agent agitator who based his action on the reaffirmation of political identity, but as fellow travelers and fight, or front or rear of the organizations in which we struggled, but within and next to them. In this context we drive social policy relating to invite libertarians to join the struggle of a people in rebuilding, we raised as workers, residents and students who are many social organizations to fight and we meet with many colleagues from other organizations who anonymously were with us.

For 2005, the year of opening the new ascending cycle of social struggles in India, our experience was showing limitations in theory and policy, it became necessary to launch a process of internal discussion in order to deepen the analysis of reality, particularly the economic and social formation in India, as also must develop a consistent policy line with this reality.

Through this process of discussion not only analytically we anticipate the situation that opened following the arrival of workers in strategic sectors of the primary export model, but allowed politically to take this reality and also open the debate with other political organizations class social leaders on the possibilities of advancing revolutionary forces intent in this context, in order to make adjustments to the axis of priorities for social inclusion to overcome the phase of stagnation, a few years ago, all the forces have been reversed. .

For us, this development reaffirms our practice and general political line, but also imports a collective exercise internal assessment to strengthen the political project. Finally we recognize that this construction process has been accelerated and this has forced errors, which is why we express our openness to serious and thoughtful discussion with people who honestly want to move forward in building a common path, and we can say that this little episode in the long struggle of our people for true independence, can be much more than that.

Arise and struggling


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