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(en) Britain, A new anarchist federation - Liberty & Solidarity

Date Sun, 28 Sep 2008 20:41:48 +0300



Liberty & Solidarity is a political organsaiton aiming to build workplace and
community democracy through direct action and struggling with all those fighting
for change. ---- We stand for the power of workers and local people against the
bosses and politicians in order to bring about radical social change, to build a
society based on freedom, democracy and cooperation. ---- What we stand for ----
The problems which face us, from unaffordable housing to the destruction of the
planet's environment are due to the fact we have little to no control over the
running of our lives. The reason for this is the class system, where we work for
a wage while a tiny group of bosses live of the profit we create. This simple
truth is more important than any single politician or ruler, and if we want to
change things we have to accept it and fight along class lines. Changing sets of
rulers without changing the system is like cleaning the windows of a burning house.

If we want to decide our own future, we must organise with our fellow workers
both against our bosses and against the state which seeks to protect them. We
must build our own forms of organisation, to govern our movement and to replace
the existing order. We oppose all forms of discrimination that divide us from
our fellow workers.

We do not believe the defeat of these forces will be an easy task, it will
require the hard work of dedicated activists. The state will not simply give up
when we become sufficiently powerful, but will attempt to fight us by all means
and we believe we must be prepared to respond.

We want a serious approach, combining theory and practice, where we set targets
and assess our progress at regular intervals, and come up with new ideas based
on our experiences. Our approach is based on what works.

We believe in making pragmatic and tactical decisions, and not working to
unbending principles. We come to agreement through open discussions, and once we
have voted on a particular direction we work towards it together.

We believe that the only way ordinary people successfully can govern themselves
is through democratic institutions built from the bottom up.

We are very interested in involving anyone who agrees with these principles and
is committed to seeing our side win.

-----------------

Get involved

Liberty and Solidarity is involved in numerous broad campaigns and we would
encourage everyone to join us in these, irrespective of political and
organisational difference, in order to find out what we are involved in you can
browse this website, and if you feel that you'd like to get involved you can
contact us by filling out this form.
Join Liberty & Solidarity

Liberty and Solidarity needs contributions of both activist time and money in
order to achieve it's goals, if you feel you are in broad agreement with what
you have read on this website, and feel you could abide by our constitution, you
should join.

L&S strives to provide it's members with a full political education, a network
of contacts and the support that members need to advance the struggle for a
better society.

L&S members are expected to participate in campaigns that we are involved in,
and members are required to make a regular small financial contribution to the
organisation.

If you would like information about joining, fill in this form.

---------------------

Community

Whilst the workplace is an important departure for class politics,
workers are not just workers from 9am to 5pm. Issues such as housing and anti
social behaviour cannot be easily tackled through workplace activism, and yet
these are some of the issues which people feel most strongly about. These are
also issues utilised by the far right in order to stir up hatred and division.
Clearly we cannot leave this important area of society unorganised.

While union density is low, community organising in arguably a
worse state. Our communities are at best atomised and transient, and at worst,
practically divided. Many residents assocaitions and other potentially
democratic organs within the community have been co-opted by the councils.

Several decades of defeat have left many working class people with
an expectation of attack and no corresponding expectation of a
capacity for resistance. In the current climate it is the job of
revolutionaries to combat these unhelpful attitudes and to foster more positive
values of confidence, confrontation and solidarity.

In the community, as in other arenas, Liberty and Solidarity
supports tactics and strategies which promote these values and believe this is
best achieved through practical demonstration and the building of grassroots
organisations capable of putting them into practice to achieve concrete gains
whilst building the power of the class through organisation, and in opposition
to the state.

As libertarians, we recognise that power needs to be devolved to
the lowest practical level. Strong community organisation is needed to tackle
social issues which were previously addressed by the state. Workers control of
the economy must be complimented with residents control over their communities.

Resources and Services in the Community

Provision of resources and services, such as Housing, Benefits or
Social Services is an obvious area of class conflict on a local level. The
ongoing erosion of the Welfare State has seen a rationing of resources and
services which is keenly felt by working class people.

Given the existing framework of legal rights, gained by previous
struggles, cut backs can often be best achieved through a policy of
gate keeping, a deliberate denial of rights, at a local level. This
pits low level administrators of the welfare state against those
accessing services or resources and creates a front line in council
and local Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) outlets.

The importance of gate keeping, with its reliance on policy on a
very local level means that grassroots resistance punches above its
weight as a method of defending resources and services for the working
class.

The daily experience of gate keeping reinforces the negative
expectations held by many working class people and discourages
confidence in our own ability to achieve victories through
confrontation and solidarity. Conversely, campaigning in this area can produce
relatively easy victories which have the opposite effect and allow effective and
confident organisation to be achieved at the grassroots of communities.

Liberty and Solidarity therefore endorses community campaigns
around the provision of resources or services and groups such as
London Coalition Against Poverty (LCAP) which organise around these
issues. Ideally such campaigns should be tied to the creation of long term
working class organsations in the areas where the campaigns are fought.

Association with other groups

Liberty and Solidarity will aim to work within groups that are
positively assisting community organisation or struggle within the
community. We do not see our own organisation as the sole actor in
this arena, and firmly believe that such struggles must involve those outside of
the anarchist movement or left in general.

One of the greatest failures of all community organising is the
lack of overall analysis which leads to chronic isolationism and more often than
not, defeat. Much like the unions, community organisations such as residents
associations can be overly cooperative with the council and the sense of
importance granted by this. This makes such organisations less likely to fight
effectively for the residents they are supposed to represent. The level of
co-option amongst varies from association to association, some may be completely
independent of the state, whilst others simply mouthpieces for the council.

Our enemies are operating on a larger geographic scale, with more
resources, man power, and the state on their side, they show
themselves to be more than capable of dealing with individual
campaigns. They also have the apparent advantage of a long term
memory, an analysis of how to combat irritating groups borne from
decades of experience. Something most if not all campaigns lack. It is important
for us to move to rectify this state of affairs. The victories and defeats of
local groups can be forgotten, and a culture of constantly starting from scratch
begins to form. Liberty and Solidarity there for supports moves to build
democratic national residents and tenants organsaitons in opposition to the
state and local councils.

Community Organising and the Far Right

The recent successes of the far right have been achieved by
promotion of an analysis among white working class communities of a
scarcity of resources, most notably housing, caused by completion of ethnic
groups for these resources. Community organising should seek to combat this by
demonstrating more effective solutions to these issues than the far right can offer.

Consequently we believe that positive community organising, as
outlined above is one of the most effective ways to combat reactionary influence.

Residents Associations

Residents Associations take on a specific role inside the
community, unlike Not-in-My-Back-Yard (NIMBY) or single-issue
campaigns, residents associations aim to represent the interests of a
neighbourhood, or group of people in an area, to improve their own conditions.
This is positive as it reflects some of the basic principals of libertarian
socialism that we wish to promote.

However, the quality of residents associations varies greatly.
There are many examples of associations going along with council
decisions that have subsequently been met with uproar by the community in which
they are supposed to be based.

In light of this we argue for our members to be involved with
their local residents associations, should they be sufficiently
independent, and to take an active part in building them, facilitating their
growth. In areas where associations do not exist, or associations are co-opted
or dominated by undemocratic factions, new and independent associations should
be set up to replace them.

Liberty and Solidarity sees residents associations as a potential
basis for democratic local government, and encourages progressive
associations to federate in order to build collective power. Such
associations can be organs of the working class in much the same
manner as unions are, and should be manoeuvred towards a situation of dual power
within the communities they represent, directly in
opposition to the local council.

Other Community Organisations

Other issues that affect the community will often have
organisations set up to address them. This ranges from campaigns
against developments, to cultural centres and youth clubs.

Such organisations should be encourage to join, or where none
exist, form residents associations, with a view to broadening the
struggle.

-----------------------------------

Industry

Liberty & Solidarity supports building of militant rank and file workplace
organisations.



Industrial Unionism

Unions are strongest when they organise along the whole supply chain,
from extraction, to manufacture to distribution.

* Liberty & Solidarity therefore encourages and supports industry
unionism. It is essential for workplace organisation.

There are two industry unions in the UK (the RMT and Unite), and one
prospective industry union (the IWW), all have certain structural
weaknesses, but it is notable that the former two unions frequently
win industrial disputes - a rare thing in the UK today. The RMT in
particular inculcates a culture of class consciousness amongst its
members.

* Liberty & Solidarity considers that unions should empart class
consciousness to their members, and seeks to encourage this.


The One Big Union was a concept which emerged in the late 19th and
early 20th century amongst working class trade unionists. The idea was
that all workers should be organised in one union: one big union.

When working class unions organised they initially organised as craft
or trade unions. These organised workers by their job type: all those
who drew pins in one union; and, all those who flattened pin heads in
another. Capitalists could often divide craft and trade unionists
along these lines in demarkation disputes. As capitalist enterprises
and state bureaucracies became more centralised and larger, some
workers felt that their institutions needed to become similarly large.
A simultaneous disenchantment with the perceived weakness of craft
unions caused many unions to organize along industrial lines.

Initiatives for One Big Union occurred across the world. Most notable
was the attempt of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW or the
Wobblies) to organise One Big Union in the United States, Canada,
Australia, and other countries. The IWW has advocated the general
strike as a favorite method for workers to gain control of industries.

While attempts to organise One Big Union on militant and revolutionary
lines did not succeed, the unions which made the attempt like the IWW
or Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) in Spain have had a great
influence on the labor movement.

One Big Union

Capital is transnational. Mobile phones rely on minerals extracted
from central Africa, a fabrication in Scandinavia or the far east, and
retail and supply, and supply and management in the UK. Our tomatoes
often come from Spain. Our food is often processed in the far east,
and so on. There is a global economy.

If as a class we want to control the supply, manufacture and
distribution of products, then we need labour organisation which
operates transnationally. In key sectors of the economy this is
particularly important. Success in popular organisation relies on
being able to organise to ensure control of food, energy, basic
necessities and manufactured goods.

* Liberty & Solidarity will support all attempts to internationalise
the kind of fighting industrial unionism that we support.

Base Unionism

Liberty & Solidarity believes in a shop steward approach. The shop
stewards movement of the past was hugely catalytic of a fighting
unionism. Shop steward organisation, and building fighting union
branches in general, helps to prefigure the kind of fighting union of
the base that we would anticipate would prefigure future workers, or
stewards councils.

At present in many workplaces there is already a trade union presence,
or collective bargaining in place. To that end in British workplaces
it makes sense to utilise the pre-existing structures of trade and
craft unions to build powerful union branches, and to construct a kind
of base unionism, built around developing a stewards movement and
engaging the rank and file within the structures of their local union
branch, irrespective of the position of the official union bureaucracy
for whatever union maintains a collective bargaining agreement.

* Liberty & Solidarity therefore encourages all members to become shop
stewards.
* Liberty & Solidarity therefore encourages all members to build their
local trade union branches, should there be a collective bargaining agreement in
place.

The IWW

The IWW officially holds an anti-sectarian industry unionism as its
mission, and reason for existing. In practice however it is a very
small organisation which has no significant economic power at present.
It does however have some currency among trade unionists and on the
left for its official beliefs and history. It is also growing rapidly,
and is member controlled. In the UK it is relatively pragmatic,
favouring dual card organisation.

This kind of pragmatism could lead to the capacity for significant
force projection within and without the unions.

While the IWW seeks to try and encourage fighting stewards, and the
necessary kind of fighting base unionism, as a strategy, we believe
that the IWW has something important to offer the class struggle, as a
militant rank and file alternative to more politically composed, or
sectarian initiatives. At present we note that the IWW also welcomes
wider Labour Movement initiatives such as the National Shop Stewards
Network, which also furthers the kind of union approach that we
believe necessary.

* Liberty & Solidarity therefore encourages all members to join the
IWW, and where possible to involve themselves in initiatives such as
NSSN, which cut across sectional trade union boundaries, and focus on
a unionism of the base.

---------------------------------------------------

Consitution

0. Introduction

The problems which face us, from unaffordable housing to the destruction of the
planet's environment are due to the fact we have little to no control over the
running of our lives. The reason for this is the class system, where we work for
a wage while a tiny group of bosses live of the profit we create. This simple
truth is more important than any single politician or ruler, and if we want to
change things we have to accept it and fight along class lines. Changing sets of
rulers without changing the system is like cleaning the windows of a burning house.

If we want to decide our own future, we must organise with our fellow workers
both against our bosses and against the state which seeks to protect them. We
must build our own forms of organisation, to govern our movement and to replace
the existing order. We oppose all forms of discrimination that divide us from
our fellow workers.

We do not believe the defeat of these forces will be an easy task, it will
require the hard work of dedicated activists. The state will not simply give up
when we become sufficiently powerful, but will attempt to fight us by all means
and we believe we must be prepared to respond.

We want a serious approach, combining theory and practice, where we set targets
and assess our progress at regular intervals, and come up with new ideas based
on our experiences. Our approach is based on what works.

We believe in making pragmatic and tactical decisions, and not working to
unbending principles. We come to agreement through open discussions, and once we
have voted on a particular direction we work towards it together.

We believe that the only way ordinary people successfully can govern themselves
is through democratic institutions built from the bottom up.

We are very interested in involving anyone who agrees with these principles and
is committed to seeing our side win.

1. Name

(a) The name of the organisation shall be "Liberty and Solidarity".

2. Membership

(a) Membership of the organisation is open to all who agree to abide by its
constitution and uphold a level of activity within at least one of the
organisation's areas of activity. Members must pay dues to the organisation and
are expected to participate within the democracy of the organisation.

(b) Prospective members should have attended at least two branch meetings, and
be accepted as members by their branch, before becoming members.

(c) Branches may suspend the membership of any member, such a suspension to be
notified to all members through the Internal Bulletin. If the branch does not
lift the suspension, the member concerned may appeal to the Conference which
will decide whether that person is to retain membership. Branches should take
reasonable steps to resolve conflicts by mediation and discussion before
suspending membership.

(d) To have voting rights at a meeting, a member must have attended at least one
of the four preceding meetings. Members without voting rights are still able to
contribute in all other ways.

(e) Individuals who wish to support the organisation financially, but cannot be
active, may pay money to be the organisation and will be considered supporters.
Supporters are not members of the organisation and as such are not bound by the
constitution. Supporters cannot speak for or in any way represent the
organisation. Members of the organisation who fail to uphold a consistent level
of activity will automatically become supporters rather than members until they
return to activity.

(f) Any member in good standing can request a Leave of Absence from the
organisation for reasons of personal hardship, travel, or for similar reasons.
The member must submit their request for a Leave of Absence to their branch,
which will then vote on the request by a simple majority. The request for an
absence must clearly state the reason for the request and an initial time frame
for the absence. The member is still expected to pay dues to the organisation
and can still receive internal bulletins but cannot vote. A leave of absence can
be extended by a vote of the members' branch. It will be "custom and practice"
for a Leave of Absence to be agreed unless there is very good reason to decline
it, and this must be communicated in writing to the member, who will have the
right of appeal to Conference.

3. Branches

(a) The basic unit of the organisation is the branch, which consists of at least
three persons in a given area or workplace.

(b) Where no branch exists in an area, members will be attached to the nearest
branch and considered full members of it.

(c) Branches are expected to meet at least monthly.

(d) Branches are required to develop local plans that fit within the nationally
decided strategy, they are expected to coordinate at a local level the
implementation of national policy, and to liaise with other branches in this
where required.

(e) Branches are expected to have general meetings once every year, at which the
election of a treasurer and secretary will take place. Other posts may also be
created by the branch at any meeting, with the positions nature and scope
defined by the branch.

(f) The branch chair should either be elected at the branch's general meeting,
or rotate amongst branch members. The chair is responsible for chairing branch
meetings. Ordinarily the branch chair will not vote on decisions, however in the
event of a tie the chair may cast the deciding vote.

(g) The branch treasurer is responsible for keeping a record of all funds and
financial transactions on a branch level. They must report to their branch, the
delegates council and national conference on their branches finance.

(h) The branch secretary is responsible for calling and arranging meetings and
the general meeting, as well as maintaining local contacts lists and other
administrative tasks. The secretary must notify all branch members about any
formal branch meetings that are taking place.

(i) All branch meeting must minute both the attendees of the meeting and any
decisions taken, these minutes must then be submitted by the secretary to the
national delegates council.

(j) If three branch members request to the branch secretary, a general meeting
must be held within two weeks of the request, at which office bearers may be
recalled via majority vote.

4. Conference

(a) Members meet in Conference at least once every six months to review their
activities, decide policy, elect the officers and delegate other
responsibilities. Conference will be held in March and September of each year.
The March conference is to deal primarily with matters of policy and development
of 'position papers' & 'policy statements'; the September conference to deal
primarily with election of officers, perspectives and our activity plans for the
coming year. Both conferences shall open with a discussion of perspectives and
will take reports from officers and committees. Matters inappropriate (e.g.
proposed new 'position papers' at a September conference) will not be dealt with
until the agenda of appropriate items has been finished. Conference may, by
majority vote, modify or suspend the agenda.

(b) All members are entitled to attend and vote at Conferences.

(c) Conference is the supreme decision making body.

(d) Prior to Conference all members will receive an agenda.

(e) Where members are unable to attend, they may have a proxy vote cast on any
specific issue they wish.

(f) Proxy votes may only be cast when they clearly correspond to a specific item
on the agenda.

(g) Any branch may call an extraordinary Conference if at least four weeks
notice is given in the Internal Bulletin.

5. The Delegates Council

5.1 The Delegates Council is responsible for the day-to-day co-ordination of the
organisation's work between conferences. The Delegates Council is made up of
delegates from each branch, where at least three branches are in existence.

5.2 Secretary is responsible for the co-ordination of the Delegate Council. Each
branch selects and mandates its delegates to the Delegate Council. Delegates are
recallable by the branch if they fail to obey their mandate. Branches are
encouraged to rotate their delegates. When a branch changes its delegates, the
Secretary must be informed. No member is allowed to remain a member of the
Delegate Council for more than 12 months consecutively.
Notice of Delegate Council meetings

5.3.1 The Delegate Council meets ordinarily once a month or more often if
necessary. All members are entitled to attend and speak at the Delegate Council
meetings, but only branch delegates have voting rights. Such meetings may take
place via conference call or in person.

5.3.2 An agenda will always be circulated at least 10 days prior to meetings.
Branches should arrange to meet and mandate their delegate in the week before
the Delegate Council meeting. Items can be placed on the agenda by any
a) branch,
b) an individual submitting it in writing to the Secretary up to 11 days before
the meeting.

5.3.3 Normally at least ten days notice of Delegate Council meetings should be
given. However, if an urgent issue arises, which requires an emergency meeting,
this requirement can be waived. Special meetings may be called
i) through a motion passed by a branch.
ii) through petition by one third of the membership,
iii) at the request of one third of the delegate council delegates,
iv) at the request of any two officers.
Holding the Delegate Council meeting

5.4.1 The Secretary will attend all Delegate Council meetings. The Treasurer and
International Secretary need not do so unless
i) they have not provided a detailed, written report in the three weeks before
the Delegate Council meets,
ii) a branch has requested they attend the meeting.
None of the officer bearers has a vote at the Delegate Council meeting.

5.4.2 For a meeting of the Delegate Council to be quorate, at least 50% of
delegates must be present (attendance at such meetings can be via telephone
conferencing where necessary).

5.4.3 Each branch of the organisation able to provide the needed infrastructure
will host the Delegate Council in rotation based on alphabetical ordering. The
host branch will provide the minute taker for the meeting in addition to their
delegate.

Delegate Council decision making

5.5.1 Decisions made by the Delegate Council must reflect policy as decided by
Conference.

5.5.2 The Delegate Council may initiate discussion with a view to encourage
discussion of particular issues in branches or with a view to changing policy at
the Conference.

5.5.3 The Delegate Council can set interim policies. These interim policies must
be compatible with the general section of position papers where they exist. A
vote of 2/3 of a Delegate Council meeting is needed to delete the short-term
perspectives section of a position paper. A simple majority is sufficient to add
section to the short term perspectives section of a position paper. The
Secretary is responsible for coordinating and tallying this vote with the
assistance of Branch Secretaries.

5.5.4 All branches are required to implement decisions made on items contained
in the agenda circulated 10 days before the Delegate Council meeting. The
Delegate Council may discuss items that are not on the agenda and make
non-binding suggestion to branches. These should be returned to at the next
Delegate Council meeting, after branches have had the chance to mandate
delegates, and either be overturned or upgraded to decisions.

5.5.5 Conference may overturn any decision of the Delegate Council.

Branch Liaison Officers (where the organisation does not maintain three or more
branches)

5.6 Individual officers will be appointed by the organisation to co-ordinate
effective action until branches are established.

6. Commissions/Working Groups

Commissions/Working groups may be established to co-ordinate activities in
various spheres of the organisation's work.

These Commissions/Working Groups may be established in one of 3 ways:-

(i)by a motion passed by Conference

(ii) by a motion passed by Delegate Council

(iii) by a group of interested members

Commissions/Working Groups may develop draft policies to present to Conference
but may not alter or delete any existing policy without the agreement of Conference.

Commissions/Working Groups may be established to co-ordinate the organisation's
work in specific campaigns

Any interested member may join a Commission/Working Group.

7. Organisational principles

(a) All decisions are taken by majority vote.

(b) No position within the organisation, either at local or organisation-wide
level, may be held by the same member for more than three years in succession.

(c) All positions are subject to recall by the majority of the relevant body.

(d) Minutes are kept of all meetings and are available to any member for inspection.

8. Right to disagree

(a) Official policy is that agreed at Conferences.

(b) Individuals who disagree with any policy or members who wish to act on an
issue for which no policy exists, have the right to act as they see fit as long
as they make it clear that their position does not reflect that of the
organisation, and as long as such a position does not take them outside the
constitution of the organisation. Such members must operate in such a way as not
to contradict the general section of position papers.

(c) Members should be encouraged to debate and discuss and develop issues in
full, both inside and outside the organisation.

9. Internal Bulletin

(a) The IB will be produced at least once every quarter by the Secretary.

(b) It is sent to all members, and at the discretion of conference to sympathisers.

(c) The IB contains reports from Branches, Commissions, Office Bearers, etc. as
well as proposals and discussion articles submitted by members.

(d) Members with an email address will be added to the organisations internal
email list and can post to this list within whatever volume restrictions are
agreed by the list. No message can be forwarded off this list without the
permission of the sender - any member who forwards without permission may be
removed from the list by the list maintainer.

10. Office Bearers

(a) Conference elects a Secretary, Treasurer, International Secretary. It may
create and fill other positions as it sees fit.

(b) The responsibilities of the Officer Bearers are:

Secretary

(i) To keep a record of all organisation-wide correspondence.

(ii) To produce the Internal Bulletin.

(iii) To be responsible for maintaining the mailing lists and web pages.

(iv) To place a report in each IB.

Treasurer

(i) To keep a record of all funds and financial transactions at an
organisation-wide level.

(ii) To place in each IB a financial statement.

International Secretary

(i) To establish and maintain contact with similar organisations abroad, and to
send them our publications and news of our activities.

(ii) To organise the translation of articles from foreign papers, and to be
responsible for the writing of articles when requested by contacts abroad.

(iii) To place a report in each IB.

11. Publications

(a) Conference elects the editorial groups for all the organisations
publications and can mandate these groups as it sees fit.

(b) Where an article submitted for publication is rejected the author may
request an explanation to be given in the IB.

(c) The responsibility for any other organisation-wide publications is also
decided by conference.

12. Finance

(a) Membership dues are ordinarily set at £10 a month, with a £3 rate for
students and unemployed people. Members who contribute substantially financially
to campaigns and organisations approved of by the organisation may have their
dues discounted to the minimum rate of £3. Members on higher incomes are
expected to contribute than £10 a month.

(b) Any member more than three months behind in their dues is deemed to have
resigned.

(c) Half of this money is retained by the branch, and half is sent to the
Treasurer for the use of the organisation at a general level.

(d) Conference, or in its place the Delegate Council, may place a special levy
on members to finance specific projects.

13. Organisation policy

13.1 The policy of the organisation is first and foremost the position papers as
drawn up and amended by conference. All other policy decisions must be
compatible with these position papers and are changed or reversed by any
subsequent motions passed by conference. Position papers lapse after three years
unless they are ratified by conference. The Secretary is responsible for
ensuring that Position Papers due ratification are included in the agenda of
conference

13.2 Position papers are divided into a general section and a short term
perspectives section. The general section contains the theoretical position of
the organisation on the question and should be framed in a way that will not
allow it to become quickly dated. The short term perspectives section outlines
the organisations policy on immediate questions and the tactics we intend to
implement. This section lapses after two years unless it is ratified by
Conference or Delegate Committee

13.3 Between conferences Delegate Council can set interim policies. These
interim policies must be compatible with the general section of existing
position papers. A vote of 2/3 of a Delegate Council meeting is needed to delete
the short term perspectives section of a position paper. A simple majority, of
the Delegate Council, is sufficient to add sections to the short term
perspectives section of a position paper. It is the responsibility of each
individual branch to mandate their delegate in advance of Delegate Council
meetings and to ensure that they report back afterwards and have complied with
their mandate. After Delegate Council meetings minutes will be circulated to
members within seven days.

13.4 Individual branches can define their own policy on particular areas
providing it is compatible with the Position Papers and decisions of Delegate
Council. It is expected that this will be used to customise general tactics for
local use and to generate policy tailored to specific local issues.

13.5 Individual members are free to engage in any political activity which does
not contradict existing policy. In general they are expected to argue for and
implement organisational policy in their public political work (ie in large
scale general public meetings and similar gatherings). Where they disagree with
existing policy they are free to argue - both within and outside the
organisation - for a new policy, although they must make clear that they are not
representing the organisation when arguing against its policies.

13.6 If individual members are speaking as a member of the organisation at any
formal event they are expected not to contradict existing policies. This does
not apply of they are speaking as a mandated delegate of a union or campaigning
group. It also does not apply if they are speaking in an individual capacity at
a debate or public meeting but in this case they should indicate that they are
disagreeing with the policy of the organisation.

13.7 In Trade Unions and campaign groups members are expected not to argue
against whatever tactics the organisation has agreed as a strategy for that
issue. Again this does not apply where they carry a mandate from a section of
that group or union.
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
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