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(en) Southern Africa, Anarchist journal Zabalaza #9 - NOSTALGIC TRIBALISM OR REVOLUTIONARY TRANSFORMATION? A CRITIQUE OF ANARCHISM & REVOLUTION IN BLACK AFRICA By MICHAEL SCHMIDT (ZAC

Date Sun, 21 Sep 2008 09:48:29 +0300



Whenever internecine warfare breaks out in Africa, claims of "tribalism" are
not far behind. From the false distinctions imposed between the Nguni nations of
the Zulu, Swazi and Xhosa under apartheid to the deadly ethnic stratification
imposed on Hutu and Tutsi in Rwanda by the Belgians, the suggestion is that
African conflict is precipitated by primordial savagery while similar
bloodletting in Europe (during the wars in Bosnia-Herzegovina and in Chechnya
for example) is by comparison, modernly nationalist, ethnic cleansing
notwithstanding. And yet tribes, their varied social organisation and
inter-tribal factionalism ­ are a fact of socio-political life in Africa.

Some anarchists, both Africans and
westerners, noting the slender presence of
libertarian socialism on the continent have
sought to establish an organic basis for its
(re)establishment as an indigenous, non-
alien socialism by celebrating libertarian
forms of traditional African social organisa-
tion where these were found to exist.
Some have done so informed by the true
nature of the African political economy,
while others have embarked on exercises
in wishful thinking. Among the latter
appears to be Stephen P. Halbrook's
Anarchism & Revolution in Black Africa.
Halbrook wrote this article, which forms
part of our African Resistance History
Series, in 1971 at a time when he was
completing his PhD in philosophy at the
Florida State University (attained in 1972).
It appears that Halbrook went on to
become a leading legal figure in defence of
the American constitutional right of its citi-
zens to bear arms, basing his arguments
on Switzerland's "armed neutrality" stance
during the Second World War. He has writ-
ten extensively on the issue, but it is not
easy to determine at a glance whether his
defence comes from a Right- or Left-wing
perspective as both camps in the US have
embraced the right to bear arms for defen-
sive reasons and Halbrook speaks in the
"neutral" tone of the lawyer. Nevertheless,
if Halbrook subsequently defected from lib-
ertarian socialism to the Right, we would
say we'd had the best of him while he was
with us.
And that best, perhaps reflected in this
pamphlet, is flawed by two interlinked
hopes that the indigenous insurgencies of
the Mau Mau of 1950-1962, the liberation
struggle of the African Party for the
Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde
(PAIGC) of 1963-1974 in Guinea, and the
Biafran Secession from Nigeria of 1967-
1970 had ­ not unreasonably given the
euphoria of the era ­ raised in his mind for
more libertarian socialist outcomes.
His one flawed hope was to overzeal-
ously apply libertarian socialist intentions
and even programmes to the actors in
these insurgent dramas. This is least
excusable in terms of the Mau Mau
Uprising because it was sufficiently far in
the past for Halbrook to have gotten a bet-
ter grasp of its nature ­ although to be fair,
the full extent of the brutality of the British
colonial regime and of the Mau Mau resist-
ance itself has only recently been ade-
quately documented.1 Nevertheless, for
Halbrook to hail the Mau Mau as "the
expression of centuries of anarchism" was
both ahistorical and a misinterpretation of
the true mobilising intent of the historicising
of the likes of Mau Mau leader Jomo
Kenyatta (an error he replicates regarding
PAIGC leader Amílcar Cabral). The mere
fact that the Mau Mau slogan "Land and
Freedom" echoed that of the Mexican,
Ukrainian, Spanish and other anarchists, or
that a PAIGC leader extolled the virtues of
the peasantry electing their own remov-
able, non-hereditary leaders is insufficient
proof of their libertarian socialism.
There is in addition ­ and this is remark-
able for a writer supposedly hailing from
the anti-statist tradition ­ no understanding
of the imperialist interest and role played
by the suppliers of arms and other support
to the rebels: the USSR, Cuba and China
supplied the PAIGC, while Biafra was clan-
destinely supplied by France, Portugal,
white Rhodesia and apartheid South Africa
(against an unusual Cold War triumvirate of
British, American and Russian backing for
Nigeria). She who pays the piper calls the
tune, so the Stalinist funders of the PAIGC
determined in it an authoritarian tendency
to the same extent as the ethnic separatist
funders of Biafra determined in parts its
narrow ethno-nationalist outlook. It begs
the question of in what way these realpoli-
tik positions could be considered genuinely
liberating by Halbrook.
Halbrook's other, closely linked, flawed
hope was to assume that an ill-defined
"anarchism" was fundamental
to many traditional African
cultures ­ stating wrongly,
given that anarchism only
arose as a modern, interna-
tionalist, mass-based practice
in the First International in
1868, that "Black Africa has a
centuries old anarchist tradi-
tion," and uncritically echoing
Kenyatta's statements about
the historic libertarian prac-
tices of his own tribe, the
Kikuyu (against whose ethno-
centric, patrimonial rule, in part, the 2008
Kenyan Uprising was tellingly aimed).
Whether the Kikuyu indeed once in the dis-
tant past had a system that could be equat-
ed to a libertarian social order as anar-
chists understand it ­ democratic decision-
making power decentralised through hori-
zontal federations of councils of recallable
delegates ­ is debatable (and the same
goes for whether the Ballantes of Guinea
or the Ibos of Nigeria can make a same
claim).
Despite the apparently remarkable and
worthy communitarian nature of Kikuyu
society as spelled out by Barnett and
Njama, the other experts cited by Halbrook,
they and he do not appear to critique the
inescapable, non-free-associative basis of
this tribal system, nor of its ageist hierar-
chy, so common to African traditional cul-
tures, or its enthnocentrism, and do not
appear (in Halbrook at least) to discuss
ownership of land, livestock, goods and
services, landlordism and other aspects of
what was still a feudal economy however
one may appreciate some progressive
aspects of its social organisation.
Lastly, as with much sentimental outsider
support for nationalist politicians like Aung
San Suu Kyi of Burma today, or Nelson
Mandela of South Africa in the past, there
is a marked shyness to engage in any sub-
stantial critique of either the leadership cult
that is so assiduously cultivated by their
supporters, or of the exact form of econo-
my and class society envisaged by the "lib-
erators" after their despised enemy is sup-
planted.

Picture:
A Mau-Mau resistance group (note the home-
made rifle held by the man on the far right)

These errors-by-omission are
commonly committed by the statist Left, but
also recall the rose-tinted view of national
liberation struggles by, for example, a fac-
tion of the Love & Rage Revolutionary
Anarchist Federation's pro-national libera-
tion stance on the Zapatistas in the 1990s
(which contributed to the RAF's dissolu-
tion) and by much of the International of
Anarchist Federations regarding Cuba in
the 1960s (against the legitimate protests
of the Cuban Libertarian Movement in
Exile).
The cellular structure adopted by the
Mau Mau rebels, the "bottom-up" decision-
making process of the PAIGC, and the vol-
untaristic "people's army" form of Biafran
resistance were in my view less related to
libertarian tradition than to the obvious
demands of clandestinity ­ and the loyalty
given by their irregular fighters to individual
charismatic leaders is not in itself indicative
of libertarianism; for fascist militancy
makes similar claims. Similarly, it is a
stretch of the imagination to claim for
Biafran leader Chukwuemeka Ojukwu the
right to assume the mantle of the great
Ukrainian anarchist revolutionary Nestor
Makhno on the basis that Ojukwu consult-
ed with an assembly of "all the professions"
­ including no doubt, the businesses and
the parasitic classes (Makhno's RIAU was
by contrast controlled policy-wise by mass
Congresses of Peasants, Workers and
Insurgents and it is out of this directly-dem-
ocratic experience that the "platformist"
political line is derived).
Yet on these slender bases, the evidence
of the nationalists Kenyatta, Cabral,
Ojukwu and a few other admirers, Halbrook
believed traditional culture could provide a
communalist model for political action in
the era of decolonialisation, centralising
national liberation struggles and import-
substitution-industrialisation modernisa-
tion.
Halbrook is far from alone among anar-
chists in this rather romantic view of the
relationship between African national liber-
ation struggles and tribal societies ­ and
I'm not even considering the so-called
primitivists here, whose anti-modernist ten-
dency is at complete odds with the pro-
gressive, industrial origins of the anarchist
movement. But this retro tendency occurs
in strange places: former Black Panther
turned anarchist Ashanti Alston, whose def-
inition of anarchist thinkers is over-gener-
ously broad, including the libertarian mutu-
alist Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (a proto-
anarchist at best), and mystics who fall
totally outside even the broader libertarian
socialist tradition, such as Gandhi and
Tolstoy. Which is perhaps why he can hail
a study by Joseph Walunywa into Wole
Soyinka's mysticism as evidence of an
"anarchism" defined as "the desire on the
part of the individual concerned to decon-
struct the social, economic and political
institutions which reflect the values of
`modern civilisation' as conceptualised
through the prevailing ideologies in order to
pave the way for the recuperation of `pri-
mordial culture' ".2
But anarchism was never anti-modernist
and primordialist ­ and however intriguing
Halbrook and Alston's perspectives may
be, we need to turn to the views of African
anarchists themselves to shed some more
light on the matter. In Zambia in 1998, the
late Wilstar Choongo of the Zambian
Anarchist and Workers' Solidarity
Movement (AWSM) related to me in some
detail the anti-authoritarian tendencies of
his own southern tribe, suggesting this
could advance the anarchist cause.3 He
said his tribe was in essence a flattened,
chiefless hierarchy.

Picture: A fortified Home Guard Post, with
Mau Mau `suspects' detained behind
the barbed wire awaiting
interrogation

A similar claim was made in the founding
statement of the Anarchist Party for

Individual Liberties in the Republic (Palir),
established at an anarchist congress on
the old slave-deportation island of Gorée,
off Dakar, Senegal, in 1981, shortly after
the regime of Abdou Diouf declared for
political pluralism. It is worth quoting: 4
"The anarchists of Senegal decided to pass
from the stage where they were evolving
like a fish in the tank of the Senegalese uni-
verse, to the stage of organisation.

Picture: A mass trial of Africans - they were
usually tried and often later execut-
ed in batches of up to fifty

The major preoccupation of the anarchists of
Senegal is not to take power but to struggle
persistently against all the manifestations
of power and against the private appropria-
tion of the means of production. We are
struggling for the establishment of a decen-
tralised and federalist self-determining
socialism, which has nothing to do with
imported `socialisms'. We are struggling
for the advent of a society in which the
means of production will be communally
exploited by Senegalese workers organ-
ised in associations of direct democracy.
"Our projection of society takes its inspi-
ration from the organisation of the Lebous
village federations and from the social for-
mation of the Ballante people of Southern
Senegal and Guinea Bissau. These social
formations, which were by no means prim-
itive, were organised in such a way that the
societies concerned had neither dominant
classes nor exploiter chiefs. There pre-
vailed a type of direct democracy which
was not imposed from above. This form of
organisation could be perfectly well adopt-
ed even with the current state of our pro-
ductive forces, if only the exploiting classes
could be unseated and if the possibility of
the appearance of totalitarian leaders could
be removed. This is a model where pas-
sivity and blind obedience to exploiting
anti-democratic bosses would not figure".
What is interesting about this account,
however, is that while it takes it's inspiration
from village federalism and earlier tribal
social formations (echoing Halbrook's
approval of Ballante tradition), it applies
them to the modern economy and argues
for a form of decentralised, directly demo-
cratic worker organisation that is not at all
out of step with the modernist impulse that
drives anarchism ­ and they specifically
stated their implacable opposition to "chau-
vinist nationalism".
Sam Mbah and I.E. Igariwey, of precise-
ly such an organisation, the anarcho-syndi-
calist Awareness League in Nigeria, in their
ground-breaking African Anarchism (1998)5
argued for anarchic tendencies in the
"stateless" (in the modern sense) societies
of the Ibo, Niger Delta people and the
Tallensi, stating: "To a greater or lesser
extent, all of [...] traditional African societies
manifested `anarchic elements' which,
upon close examination, lend credence to
the historical truism that governments have
not always existed. They are but a recent
phenomenon and are, therefore, not
inevitable in human society. While some
`anarchic' features of traditional African
societies existed largely in past stages of
development, some of them persist and
remain pronounced to this day."
Despite these societies being decen-
tralised, having communal production sys-
tems, participatory decision-making and a
relatively flat social hierarchy, they cannot
in any real sense be called anarchist.
Rather it is best to describe them as com-
munalist with some marked libertarian
practices. It appears likely that Mbah and
Igariwey were forced to fall back on com-
munalist examples to legitimise the
Awareness League trade union 6 simply
because, though they were aware of early
1990s anarchist organisations in South
Africa, they were unaware of the significant
syndicalist trade unions in southern Africa
and north Africa in the 1910s/1920s.7
The resistance of, for instance, the Zulus
during the Bambaata Rebellion of 1906
against the imposition of hut-taxes by the
British was indeed among the last of a long
series of anti-colonial actions aimed at pre-
serving traditional culture, and at prevent-
ing the enclosure and outright theft of tribal
lands and the impression into bonded
servitude of the black majority ­ but they
were also last-gasp reflex actions of a
peasantry that was rapidly being eclipsed
by modernisation (in South Africa at least,
where they have been reduced to a minor-
ity unlike the rest of Africa). And much as
one might dislike it, anarchism with few
exceptions arose in industrial (not craft or
peasant) environments ­ such as the
Witwatersrand during the emergence of
organised black labour in the late 1910s
and early 1920s, not among the
Sekhukhuneland or Pondoland peasantry,
regardless how communitarian or insur-
gent their traditions.8
While anarchists can and should indeed
build on any traditional libertarian conven-
tions within the society in which they live ­
ably demonstrated by the successful anar-
chist penetration of the indigenous popula-
tion in Bolivia, or of agricultural labourers in
Bulgaria, from the 1920s to 1940s ­ tribal
societies also tend to have strongly sexist
attitudes, ethnic chauvinist practices and
demagogic power-structures enforced by
fearful superstition and brute force. These
reactionary tendencies are at least as
strong as the communalist tradition and we
find similar contestations between vertical
and horizontal power in traditional tribal
structures in Asia, the Americas and
Europe. Also, the communalism of many
African tribal societies is not at all ruled by
the anarchist concept of free association:
one is forced by one's ethnic origin, tribal
loyalties, locality and family ties into the
communalist mode, with no choice in the
matter other than self-imposed exile (which
then renders one vulnerable as an unac-
ceptable outside in another tightly-knit
communalist, or even hierarchical, exclu-
sivist enclave). Let us also not forget that
slavery among African tribes was (and
remains somewhat) widespread, the insti-
tution only being formally outlawed in
Mauritania in 2007.9
None of this, however, detracts from the
clear existence of a real and unalloyed his-
torical anarchist and syndicalist movement
in Africa, so present in organisations such
as People's Free University and the
International League of Cigarette Workers
and Millers of Cairo (Egypt) and the
Revolutionary League (Mozambique) in the
early 1900s, the Industrial Workers of
Africa and Indian Workers' Industrial Union
(South Africa) in the late 1910s/early1920s,
and the Algerian section of the General
Confederation of Labour ­ Revolutionary
Syndicalist in the 1930s. And let's not for-
get the fact that the former Durruti
Columnists who seized the honour to be
the first to liberate Paris in 1944 came
together in exile in Chad ­ nor the old post-
war anarchist strongholds of Tunis and
Oran, nor the anarchist cells in the
Canaries, Egypt or Morocco.
None of this makes it into Halbrook's
analysis (but then there was precious little
study of such movements at the time he
wrote, and he could not have been aware
that within a decade of his paper, new
anarchist and syndicalist organisations
would rise in Africa: Senegal (Palir, 1981),
Nigeria (Awareness League, anarcho-syn-
dicalist from 1991), Sierra Leone (Industrial
Workers of the World, 1996), South Africa
(Anarchist Revolutionary Movement, 1993,
Workers' Solidarity Federation, 1995, the
ZACF, 2003, and others), Zambia
(Anarchist Workers' Solidarity Movement,
1998), Swaziland (ZACF, 2003), and
Kenya (Wiyathi Collective, 2004).
Materials from and about these move-
ments are available to a greater or lesser
extent on the Internet so I will not detain the
reader with an analysis of them. Suffice to
say that Halbrook's flawed work raises
more questions ­ including the red herring
of "libertarian" nationalism ­ than he
answers, but as these debates are still
somewhat skewed by wishful thinking,
especially among the African anarchist
Diaspora, it is worth reading with a critical
eye.10
A more recent anarchist analysis of the
libertarian potential of African tribal federal-
ism is presented by the Moroccan activist
Brahim Fillali, who examines the traditional
Berber federalism of the Ait Atta tribe
whose territory extends from the Sahara to
the Atlas Mountains 11. In his exploration of
the tribe's federalism, Fillali details how
each neighbourhood mandates immediate-
ly-recallable delegates of a tribal faction to
a district committee, which committees are
federated and in turn elect a broader com-
mittee which is then the public face of the
tribe with its neighbours. The central gov-
ernment was forced to create a religious
proxy body, the Zawia, to try to act as a
bridge of authority between the state and
the "lawless" tribes ­ both to enable the
ascendancy of the Arab-Islamic elite, and
to facilitate the imperialism of France and
Spain for which this elite played a com-
prador role.
Fillali explains the subsistence-farming,
nomadic lifestyle of the tribes, in which
property could be jointly owned and there
was no wage slavery ­ but he is not wear-
ing rose-tinted spectacles when he views
tribal federalism and its economy. "To draw
a comparison between Berber federalism
and anarchist federalism," Fillali wrote, "I
can say that the first one comes out of a
tribal society and is based on the ethnic
factor and localism, and a subsistence
economy alongside nomadism."
He recognises the libertarian elements of
Ait Atta society: "The tribe has `enjoyed'
neither police nor prison, nor all those other
forms of repression. Its federalism ensured
that the society was neither militaristic nor
autocratic. I raised this issue of the feder-
ation to say that federalism as a conception
of social organisation is not strange to
Moroccan society ­ despite its nature... If
we take two concepts ­ anarchist federal-
ism and liberal democracy ­ and try to
explain them to an Amazigh [a Berber], it is
easy for him to understand anarchist feder-
alism but difficult with liberal democracy
because in his history he practiced some
sort of federalism, and his culture is close
to the federalist logic."
But Fillali also highlights the parochial
and ethnic limitations of this nostalgic
approach within "a patriarchal society, in
which mythology and religion dominate the
cultural field. This is what characterises
agricultural and semi-nomadic societies.
This is federalism local or regional and not
international. It is not an achievement of a
societal project; it can not be. In its devel-
opment it cannot exceed the ceiling of the
tribe, its limits. It's a tribal federalism in an
agricultural and semi-nomadic society."
In Alston's article, she concludes that in
pursuit of "a broad and vibrant African-
based anarchism," the writings of Mbah
and Igariwey and Walunywa offer "insights
that anarchists and revolutionaries in gen-
eral are missing. Together they offer a
combination of culture and class analyses
that take in the whole of peoples' lives: their
ritual everyday lives and their class-based,
post-colonial lives." While it is certainly
true that the anarchist movement has, like
much of the Left, ignored the vitality and
durability of cultural traditions, we as
African anarchists cannot simply embrace
fetish, totem, and chiefly fly-whisk as
somehow advantageous to our struggle.
Yes, the libertarian communalist instinct is
to be found in African societies ­ precisely
because this is a universal instinct ­ not exclu-
sively African ­ and it is to be celebrated as
such. But if we speak of anarchism, then we
speak of a revolutionary, organisational project
for the fundamental socio-political transcen-
dence of traditional society, capital and the
state.
Fillali, in his turn, concludes that what is
needed is a project that transcends even the
libertarian elements in African tribal society, in
essence, an anarchist project for an entirely dif-
ferent society. African anarchism is indeed
able to draw on elements of libertarian commu-
nalism in many tribal societies, but must of
necessity reject tribalism's reactionary and
hierarchic elements. The result should be an
anarchism that, informed by the tradition of
African cultural egalitarianism and diversity
against which so many comprador and imperi-
alist elites have waged war, nevertheless is at
one with the universalism of the global anar-
chist movement in its strategy and ideology,
especially regarding ethnicity, nationalism, cul-
ture and race.

Notes:

1. More than 1 million suspected rebel sympathisers were put in concentration
camps, a bestial strategy the British had perfected during the South
African War of 1899-1902. Starvation and disease killed thousands, while 1 090
were hanged by the colonial regime. Despite the common use of
summary execution and torture by white British and black Kings African Rifles
proxy forces, no official was ever prosecuted for any atrocity. The Mau
Mau on their side killed only 32 whites ­ but some 1 800 fellow Kenyans. See
Histories of the Hanged: Britain's Dirty War in Kenya and the End of
Empire by David Anderson (Weidenfeld & Nicholson) 2005 / Britain's Gulag: The
Brutal End of Empire in Kenya by Caroline Elkins (Jonathan Cape),
2005.
2. Towards a Vibrant & Broad African-Based Anarchism, Ashanti Alston, 2003,
online at: www.newformulation.org/3alston.htm. This article combines
reviews of African Anarchism (see note 5 below) and the PhD dissertation from
which this quote is taken, Post-Colonial African Theory and Practice:
Wole Soyinka's Anarchism, Joseph Walunywa, Syracuse University, 1997. Alston may
wish, as she hints in her article, to divorce anarchism from its
"European-based anarcho-syndicalist, anti-metaphysical perspective," but the
anarchist tradition is, with few exceptions (the Catholic Worker move-
ment comes to mind), indeed militantly anti-metaphysical, being based solidly on
rationality and mass organisation. Simply because anarchism orig-
inated in Europe does not equate to it being Eurocentric ­ indeed, only one of
its four major revolutions and a handful of its strongholds were to be
found in Europe.
3. The AWSM was founded in 1998 by Choongo, an anarchist librarian at the
University of Zambia (UNZA), and young members of the youth of the
UNZA ­ Cuba Friendship Association and of the Socialist Caucus. The
anarcho-syndicalist Workers' Solidarity Federation of South Africa was instru-
mental in establishing the AWSM, but it appears to have collapsed the following
year with Choongo's death by meningitis. His obituary is at:
http://libcom.org/history/choongo-wilstar-1964-1999
4. According to a 1981 report in the Vancouver, Canada, libertarian socialist
journal The Open Road, which published excerpts of the Palir manifesto
(replicated from a publication called Agora, No.7), noting that the "libertarian
movement has never managed to exist easily in the countries of black
Africa," the Senegalese anarchists had met in June 1981 and had published their
manifesto in the "more or less satirical journal Le Politicien".
5. African Anarchism: The History of a Movement by Sam Mbah & I.E. Igariwey (See
Sharp Press), 1997. The authors have allowed an identical ver-
sion, African Anarchism: Prospects for the Future to be published online by the
ZACF, and it is available at: www.zabalaza.net/theory/african_
anarchism/contents.htm. Alternatively, it is now available in full online at:
http://illvox.org/category/african-anarchism/
6. A mini-biography of Mbah by the Institute for Anarchist Studies in 1999 said
he was born in 1963 in Enugu, Nigeria, and "embraced anarchism short-
ly after the collapse of the Soviet Union while studying at the University of
Lagos. Like many radicals, he entered a period of deep political reflection
after the breakdown of the Eastern Block, one that prompted him to re-examine
his previous Marxist commitments and ultimately led him to the anti-
statist, anti-capitalist politics that is anarchism. North American publications
such as The Torch and Love and Rage were especially important to this
process. Mbah currently makes his living as the Lagos correspondent for Enugu's
Daily Star newspaper. He is also very active in the Awareness
League, an anarchist organisation committed to the libertarian transformation of
Nigeria. The Awareness League is active in political education, var-
ious social campaigns, and environmental protection. It presently has 600
members and eleven branches throughout the country [down from a high
of about 1 000 members in 15 states during the dictatorship, but including its
own radio station]... Mbah cited two Nigerians when asked to recom-
mend other African authors he finds particularly sympathetic to anarchism:
Ikenna Nzimiro and the late Mokwugo Okoye."
7. The IWW, Revolutionary Syndicalism and Working Class Struggle in SA, 1910 ­
1920, by Lucien van der Walt (Bikisha Media Collective), online at
the Zabalaza Books site.
8. For an account of the Sekhukhuneland Revolt, read A Lion Amongst the Cattle:
Reconstruction and Resistance in the Northern Transvaal, by Peter
Delius (Ravan Press) 1970 / (Heinenmann), 1997.
9. See the BBC report at: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/6938032.stm
10. A far better critique than Halbrook's has now also been made available in
the African Resistance History Series: Africa, Nationalism and the State,
by Sam Dolgoff (1980?). Dolgoff demonstrates the demagogic attitudes of African
"liberators" like the Nazi-trained neo-fascist Gamal Abdel Nasser
of Egypt (seen as a "democratic socialist" by Alston) and the megalomaniac Kwame
Nkrumah of Ghana.
11. On Pre-Colonial Morocco, Brahim Fillali, first published 11 October 2005,
Morocco, translated into English by Pat Murtagh, Canada, 2008. Edited
by Michael Schmidt, ZACF, 2008 and published as On Pre-Colonial Morroco: Does
Berber Federalism serve as an indigenous African model of
Anarchist Federalism? online at: www.anarkismo.net/newswire.php?story_id=9536
_________________________________________
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