A-Infos (en) Britain, Anarchist Federation ORGANISE! #68 - Albert Camus and the Anarchists

Organise! looks at the life and work of the great existentialist writer Albert 
Camus. --- Born in French Algeria into a poor family in 1913, Camus lost his 
father in the Battle of the Marne in 1916. He was raised by his mother, who 
worked as a charlady and was illiterate. Winning a scholarship, Camus eventually 
began a career as a journalist. As a youth, he was a keen footballer as well as 
being a member of a theatrical troupe. --- From his time as a goalkeeper, Albert 
Camus always had a team spirit. He had a generous, if sensitive nature, and 
always sought the maximum unity, seeking to avoid or bypass rancour. Many 
intellectuals writing about Camus have obscured his support of anarchism. He was 
always there to support at the most difficult moments of the anarchist movement, 
even if he felt he could not totally commit himself to that movement.

Camus himself never made a secret of his attraction towards anarchism. Anarchist 
ideas occur in his plays and novels, as for example, La Peste, L’Etat de siège 
or Les Justes. He had known the anarchist Gaston Leval, who had written about 
the Spanish revolution, since 1945. Camus had first expressed admiration for 
revolutionary syndicalists and anarchists, conscientious objectors and all 
manner of rebels as early as 1938 whilst working as a journalist on the paper 
L’Alger Republicaine, according to his friend Pascal Pia.

The anarchist Andre Prudhommeaux first introduced him at a meeting in 1948 of 
the Cercle des Etudiants Anarchistes (Anarchist Student Circle) as a sympathiser 
who was familiar with anarchist thought.

Camus also supported the Groupes de Liaison Internationale which sought to give 
aid to opponents of fascism and Stalinism, and which refused to take the side of 
American capitalism. These groups had been set up in 1947-48, and intended to 
give material support to victims of authoritarian regimes as well as exchanging 
information. Supporters included the Russian anarchist Nicolas Lazarevitch, 
exiled in France, as well as many supporters of the revolutionary syndicalist 
paper La révolution Proletarienne. Camus remained a friend and financial 
supporter of RP until his death.

Albert Camus’s book L’Homme Révolte (translated into English as The Rebel), 
published in 1951, marked a clear break between him and the Communist Party 
left. It was met with hostility by those who were members of The Communist Party 
or were fellow travellers. Its message was understood by anarchists and 
revolutionary syndicalists in France and Pain, however, for it openly mentions 
revolutionary syndicalism and anarchism and makes a clear distinction between 
authoritarian and libertarian socialism. The main theme is how to have a 
revolution without the use of terror and the employment of “Caesarist” methods. 
So Camus deals with Bakunin and Nechaev among others. “The Commune against the 
State, concrete society against absolutist society, liberty against rational 
tyranny, altruistic individualism finally against the colonisation of the masses…”

He ends with a call for the resurrection of anarchism. Authoritarian thought, 
thanks to three wars and the physical destruction of an elite of rebels, had 
submerged this libertarian tradition. But it was a poor victory, and a 
provisional one, and the struggle still continues.

Gaston Leval responded in a series of articles to the book. His tone was 
friendly, and he avoided harsh polemic, but he brought Camus to book on what he 
regarded as a caricature of Bakunin. Camus replied in the pages of Le 
Libertaire, the paper of the Fédération Anarchiste (circulation of this paper 
was running at 100,000 a week in this period). He protested that he had acted in 
good faith, and would make a correction in one of the passages criticised by 
Leval in future editions.

The general secretary of the Fédération Anarchiste, Georges Fontenis, also 
reviewed Camus’s book in Le Libertaire. To the title question “Is the revolt of 
Camus the same as ours?”, Fontenis replied that it was. However he faulted him 
for not giving due space to the revolutions in the Ukraine and Spain, and for 
portraying Bakunin as a hardened Nihilist and not giving credit to his specific 
anarchist positions. He ended by admitting that the book contained some 
admirable pages. A review by Jean Vita the following week in Le Libertaire was 
warmer and more positive.

These measured criticisms from the anarchists were in contrast to those from the 
fellow travellers of the Communist Party, like Sartre and the group around the 
magazine Les Temps Moderne. This marked the beginning of Camus’s break with that 
other great exponent of existentialism. The criticisms of this group were 
savage, in particular that of Francis Jeanson. Camus replied that Jeanson’s 
review was orthodox Marxist, and that he had passed over all references to 
anarchism and syndicalism. “The First International, the Bakuninist movement, 
still living among the masses of the Spanish and French CNT, are ignored”, wrote 
Camus. For his pains, Camus was “excommunicated” by Jeanson from the ranks of 
the existentialists. These methods disheartened Camus. He also received stern 
criticism from the Surrealists for the artistic conceptions within the book. It 
looked like the anarchist movement were Camus’s best supporters.

Camus marked this break in other ways too. He had made a pledge to himself to 
keep away from intellectuals who were ready to back Stalinism. This did not stop 
him from wholeheartedly committing himself to causes he thought just and 
worthwhile. In Spain a group of anarchist workers had been sentenced to death by 
Franco. In Paris a meeting was called by the League for the Rights of Man on 
February 22nd 1952. Camus agreed to speak at this. He thought it would be useful 
if the leader of the Surrealists, André Breton, should appear on the podium. 
This was in spite of the attack that Breton had written in the magazine Arts, 
over Camus’s criticisms of the poet Lautreamont, admired by the Surrealists as 
one of their precursors. Camus met with the organisers of the event, Fernando 
Gómez Peláez of the paper Solidaridad Obrera, organ of the Spanish 
anarcho-syndicalist union the CNT, and José Ester Borrás, secretary of the 
Spanish political prisoners’ federation FEDIP, asking them to approach Breton 
without telling him that Camus had suggested it. Breton agreed to speak at the 
meeting even though Camus would be present. Gómez then told Breton that Camus 
had suggested he speak in the first place, which moved Breton to tears. Later 
Camus told the Spanish anarchists that because he had not replied to Breton’s 
anger in kind that a near-reconciliation was possible. Camus and Breton shared 
the podium and were even seen chatting (for Breton and the Surrealists links to 
the anarchist movement see Organise! no.44).

Camus took a position of the committed intellectual, signing petitions and 
writing for Le Libertaire, La révolution Proletarienne and Solidaridad Obrera. 
He also became part of the editorial board of a little libertarian review, 
Témoins 1956., getting to know its editor, Robert Proix, a proofreader by trade. 
Camus, via Proix, met up with Giovanna Berneri (Caleffi) the companion of the 
gifted Italian anarchist Camillo Berneri, who had been murdered by the 
Stalinists in Spain in 1937. Camus also met Rirette Maitrejean, who had been the 
erstwhile companion of Victor Serge, and had been involved in the Bonnot Gang 
affair and trial. Rirette had been working as a proofreader for the paper 
Paris-Soir for a long time. Camus also became a friend of the anarchist veteran 
Maurice Joyeux, who was later to remark that of all contemporary literary works 
The Rebel was the book that most closely defined the aspirations of the students 
and workers in May 1968.

Again in 1954 Camus came to the aid of the anarchists. Maurice Laisant, 
propaganda secretary of the Forces Libres de la Paix (Free Forces of Peace) as 
well as an editor of Le Monde Libertaire, paper of the Fédération Anarchiste, 
had produced an antimilitarist poster using the format of official army 
propaganda. As a result he was indicted for subversion. Camus was a character 
witness at his trial, recalling how he had first met him at the Spanish public 
meeting.

Camus told the court, “Since then I have seen him often and have been in a 
position to admire his will to fight against the disaster which threatens the 
human race. It seems impossible to me that one can condemn a man whose action 
identifies so thoroughly with the interests of all men. Too few men are fighting 
against a danger which each day grows more ominous for humanity”. It was 
reported that after his statement, Camus took his seat in a courtroom composed 
mainly of militant workers, who surrounded him with affection. Unfortunately 
Laisant received a heavy fine.

Camus also stood with the anarchists when they expressed support for the 
workers' revolt against the Soviets in East Germany in 1953. He again stood with 
the anarchists in 1956, first with the workers’ uprising in Poznan, Poland, and 
then later in the year with the Hungarian Revolution. Later in 1955 Camus gave 
his support to Pierre Morain, a member of the Fédération Communiste Libertaire 
(the Fédération Anarchiste had changed its name in 1954 following rancourous 
struggles within the organisation). Morain was the very first Frenchman to be 
imprisoned for an anti-colonialist stand on Algeria. Camus expressed his support 
in the pages of the national daily L’Express of 8th November 1955.

Camus often used his fame or notoriety to intervene in the press to stop the 
persecution of anarchist militants or to alert public opinion. In the final year 
of his life Camus settled in the Provence village of Lourmarin. Here he made the 
acquaintance of Franck Creac’h. A Breton, born in Paris, self-taught, and a 
convinced anarchist, he had come to the village during the war to “demobilise” 
himself. Camus employed him as his gardener and had the benefit of being able to 
have conversations with someone on the same wavelength. One of the last 
campaigns Camus was involved in was that of the anarchist Louis Lecoin who 
fought for the status of conscientious objectors in 1958. Camus was never to see 
the outcome to this campaign, as he died in a car crash on 1960, at the age of 
forty-six.
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