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(en) Hungary, Barricade [anarchist] Collective, Our new report about the recent riots

Date Fri, 03 Nov 2006 18:05:02 +0200

As far as the proletariat’s resistance against the economic crisis lies
dormant, the legions of fascism step on the scene. As Pal Justus wrote,
the fascist movement becomes fascist only when it manages to stir the
masses. This mass has manifestly come to life during the last weeks.
Some communist comrades project their revolutionary optimism into
the events of 23rd of October 2006 as well, and some of their statements
are based on a totally false understanding of the reality. Among others,
such an absurd sentence was said by a comrade when he considered that the
attack against the synagogue in Pest is a part of the class struggle. We
could agree if the masses act against the catholic and protestant churches
in the same way as against the synagogue but that wasn’t the case.
On the other hand, the optimism of the comrades is based on the fact
that we live in a society which contains the practice of exploitation
in all its aspects. We think the same. The faces of those who are
burning cars on the streets, who are building barricades, who are
fighting the riot police – these faces are our wry faces, the
nationalist face of the working class. The counter-revolutionary
armies of the conservative and fascist masses – which fear for their
more and more falling living standards, who are poisoned with
nationalist ideology by the extreme right – fight hand to hand with
their own bourgeois state order on the avenues. This mass of false
counsciousness is composed of a number of retired people and wage-workers,
small contractors, students and, of course, unemployed. The mass, which
defends the status quo of capitalism either under the strong influence
of the right wing or swinging further from it. Why does this anger –
which was suppressed by the exploitation for long – come to life from
the side of the fascists and become a part of the counter-revolution?
The power led by the leftist-liberal MSZP is the vanguard
fighter of the neo-liberal economic terror since the transition of
1990. The majority of the society, i. e. the working class, identifies
leftism with neo-liberalism, while their privatized workplaces are
continouosly abolished and they are fired. The precariousness of the
everyday life increased enormously. As a result of the free movement
of the labour-force, the country has become one of the centers of the
labour market in the Eastern part of Central Europe, where the
eviscerated proles from the Ukraine, Romania etc. have totally become
victims of the black market. At the same time, the price of the
labour-force has been gradually pushed down to a level, with which the
working-class’ members from here could’t compete. Already at the
beginning of the 90’s, kinds of fascist beating squads visited day
by day the Moszkva square, where – in the framework of a hunt against
the „stinking Romanians” – these late heirs of Ivan Hejjas beat up
their naked class-companions.
In addition – as a pernicious heritage of the past,
as a legacy of the Kadar-regime –, the weakness, the lack
of the working-class movement’s self-organization reveals
itself more and more. The fact that the working-class movement –
because of the party’s tutelage – moved to the museums during
the bolshevik epoch, appears clearly today. Since then, the
workers haven’t managed to organize themself into proletariat
on social scale. As we can experience, social democracy – which
discredited itself already when it was born – still collects
its victims, and lulling a large part of the working class,
playing the role of a tranquil and wise prophet, it preaches
calmness for its voters. The evolved situation seems to be
rather bleak in point of the future, and for the working class,
it worsens enormously the chances of coming to consciousness,
since it is the organized fascist mass which reacts now and will
react in the future to the real exploitation, and it will sit
on the situations. Against it, anti-fascism – which is also
counter-revolutionary – already starts to awake, and small
groups of social democratic intellectuals begin to manifest
their democratic ideologies. The fruits of the tacticist
nationalism of the ruling class’ left wing – just as the
fruits of the „romantic right-wing illusions” – have ripened.

It has always been a characteristic of the fascist national
romantic, to ideologize the weekdays of the exploitation of
the working class, and to translate them to its own language
in the spirit of its moralist, christian polecat-course.
Nationalist historical horror-visions and symbols, the
attachments of white terror turn up from the closed rubbish-
shoots of the past – hungarist flags are flaunting in the
Budapest wind. Moralist speech can be heard on the squares,
the place of real working-class dissatisfaction is occupied
by kitsch and national romantic. The view of the street becomes
a shop-window for pseudo-historical legends. Mushy, gushy,
idealized fascist critiques circulate in the public thought,
which skim over the real economic exploitation and push it
into the background. Through the mediation made by the press,
Trianon-blasting slogans, folk-tales from the times of the
Carpathian basin’s conquest are travelling around and knocking
in the warrens. The fascist forces don’t have even the palest
vision about the functioning of the capitalist economy after the
relay of the present government, and they cannot understand that
it’s impossible to turn back the wheel of history from the capitalist
globalization towards the feudal fixed ideas. Their perfectly
romantic dead-end goes through the myth of the „Hungarian beret” –
the holy crown – into the foggy idyll of past-watching and devout
As the populist Fidesz admits more and more openly that capitalist
Hungary is in chancery, and in the reality, the problem for the
opposition is not the forced economic measures of the governmental
coalition but the hiding of the facts about the real economic
situation by the government, the apocalypse of the nation’s death
arises in the minds of the right-wing bourgeoisie. There are many
for whom Fidesz has also discredited itself, that’s why the white
free squads’ emergence in the capital of the country. Fidesz already
tries to flinch back carefully from the fascist masses to the parliament.
At the beginning, it supported the demonstrations, but it has gradually
lost the control over them, so they retreat now. Just as the bolshevik
party ran behind the revolutionary masses in 1917 and suited the
expectations, so did Fidesz with the angry fascist masses. But at
a certain point it couldn’t march further on the road with its
scrabby guards, unless it could dig also its own future perspectives
of power in the melancholic deep-Hungarian graveyard. Since the
fascists don’t demand that Orban and his company must take the power,
but they project into the future the creation of a new Constitutional
Assemby legalized by them. In this point, the schematic bourgeois
formula of the seizing of power by the fascists cannot follow the
usual screenplay, because the present world capitalism doesn’t need –
even partly – a fascist ruling element in Eastern Europe bullying
with anti-capitalist overtones, which would always try to spit into
the soup of the internationally dominating and functioning capital –
hence, only the wind of fascism sweeps on the streets. The fascist
aspirations are pushed to the periphery; however, society is filled
with nationalism. At this moment, the ruling class doesn’t need a
totally fascist capitalism, but it can influence the masses of the
working class with its elements; nothing else can alarm these masses
but their ever more despoiled life, through which they can recognize
the chess games of false consciousness. Hence, in the reality, the
white counter-revolution is doomed to dying of hunger in the
dictatorship of liberal democracy.
But who are these nameable fascist elements? Hungarian class
society has been extremely conservative and it still is. The
formerly suppressed old complaints, imagined hurts, historical
myths come to life and start to influence within the forces
outside (but also inside!) the parliament. A number of fascist
dross (journals and books) are published, the football matches
are fascist gatherings, only in Budapest there are at least 10-12
fascist bookshops. Everyday fascism continuously haunts in the
Roma and Jewish questions and in the other domains of capitalist
reality. The conservative aristocratism of the genteel Hungary
which had been suppressed in the Soviet zone and then revived at
the time of the transition, has grown strong during the last two
decades. The Hungarian citizen is an outstanding defender of the
party of order, and he has always actively hated the fundamental
elements of the bourgeois enlightenment. His latent anti-Semitism,
his social demagogy, the eager propagation of the christian-national
thought and of the defence of the race gradually infiltrated into
the everyday consciousness. You must pray, believe, and work
trustworthily – pronounced once the watchword Bela Bangha, the militant
catholic priest. The Fuhrer of Fidesz propagates today the same. And
the lonely mass finds a community, half-drunken teenage girls rampage
on the Fidesz-meetings, and they put the portrait of the leader on the
walls of their rooms, next to the photo of Kurt Cobain. Never have got
so many young people into the trail of counter-revolution through the
propagation of national self-consciousness and national vital force.
The right wing bungs his fans „the leftist-liberal government’s
bolshevism” and a totally falsified, mendacious historical scheme.

In line with the falling of the standard of living, the chauvinist
ideas buried 60 years ago have broken surface, and they make a
successful career. Clomping and hustling, the extreme right defends
the home market; on the food market, it gives a special support for
the Hungarian products in the form of advertisement campaigns, while
it preaches that „foreign capital is bad, Hungarian capital is good”.
The fascist press called the prole insurgents from the French suburbs
a riff-raff but it cheers the arsonists in the centre of Budapest.
From a number of fascist journals, the weekly called Demokrata bears
the palm, which takes on fascism absolutely openly – this is the
beloved boulevard journal of the bourgeois from Buda. Religion,
belonging to the church – which is composed of hundreds of fascist
priests, clerics and militant preachers – is in fashion again in
Hungary. And there are the fascist parties: JOBBIK and MIEP, countless
fascist cultural circles, a lot of associations and – not least – the
bourgeoisie of Hungary, the politics of which is the hotbed of fascism.
In Hungary, even the sparrow is nationalist, although its father is from
Serbia and its mother is from Morocco, but it chirps in Hungarian! The
nationalists are also in dread of the fact that the country „becomes
gipsy”, because „the Hungarian population” has been decreasing since
1987, while „the Roma population” has been increasing.

The fact that Hungary joined the EU also strengthened nationalism
since the domination of global capital outplaced the rural contractors
to the periphery of the economy. They have to bustle up very much in
order to maintain their competitiveness against their foreign rivals.
The small contractors were bankrupted by the network of the department
stores. The parties which mythicize national capital were losing their
dominant position better and better and had to change. The nationalist
mini-capitalism now has to reconstitute itself in order that it could
be dominant in the future. This is why the smallholders will demonstrate
again with their tractors. This has been the situation since this small
junk-heap has joined the EU. Those who saw, on television or on the spot,
the clashes in the streets, don’t cherish any illusions. The counter-
revolution has been fighting against the counter-revolution. The
odernization of capital has been facing the conservatism of capital.
The dialectics of enlightenment has been materializing.

The police also got into a heat, they had sized up their former act
and had drawn some lessons from that. Now they were confident, were
beating everybody, were shooting rubber bullets in the height of
people’s head. They were savaging both fascists and others who were
commemorating the anniversary of 1956. The inner city is small so
everybody was being attacked by them. The policemen have been
frightened therefore, as an exercising, they have been transforming
into wanton militant insects just as their friends, the fascist-
democrats. Some people think that now this is the return of the
spirit of 1956. But in 1956, the self-conscious working class,
the proletariat organized as a class, had been fighting against
the bourgeoisie. In spite of their deceptive nationalist slogans,
they had wanted to take control of their lives and had rejected all
sorts of administratorship over themselves. The historical memory
of the fascist movement is very self-mythicizing and touches up
historical facts. This crowd, which has been in the streets for
more than a month, would have been swept away by the proletarian
uprising of 1956. After all, the proletariat had rejected both the
Horthy regime and its bolshevik double, and had rejected capitalism
as a whole! Therefore the references to 1956 made by nationalism and
the fascists are totally absurd lies. Those few former revolutionaries
who by now have become servants of fascism, in fact are opposed to
their former themselves.

It may there will be change in government in the near future. In
that case, the ruling class would entirely unmask itself. Provided
that it won’t take economic measures against itself. This has already
happened not long ago when the government, taken on running into dept,
raised the salaries. It was buttering the working class up temporalily
but it was possible only for a short time. World capital put the
Hungarian government right. The crowd has been taken to the streets
by the discontent, but some elements of the working class have been
walled up by fascism between the walls of national optimism. On the
other hand, the working class will experience that the extent of
exploitation is getting bigger and bigger. Now white terrorist gangs
are in the streets and their democrats are in the parliament. Are
they an insignificant minority? Yes, for the time being. But if the
living standard decreases speedily, the struggle will continue in
the streets. In that situation it’s not indifferent if groups with
red flags would attack the parliament or white terrorist guys,
singing revisionary songs, would charge the synagogue. It’s also
important whether antifascism would emerge since in that case the
democratic trap would be re-created. And now we gave taste only of
the Hungarian situation.

We can answer to the question of the breaking out of the expected
proletarian revolution only in a speculative way. Although the
experiences of the struggles of our class also contribute to this.
The gradually increasing economic exploitation against the working
class world-wide had never been abided for a long time by our class.
This infuses hope into us, but it should be noted that the capitalist
world had always been stronger and better organized than our
revolutionary attempts. On the other hand the structural necessity of
capital (the infinite accumulation) has been glooming the optimistic
vision of future (nuclear age, wintery summers and summery winters
etc.). While the prole, who is your neighbour, has not eaten hot food
for more days and not long ago five beggars have died of exposure.
While the workers, making haste to their workplaces, inveigh against
the public transport and in the evening looking at the television,
they dream their happiness into the virtual infinity. As long as the
power will not be turned off. What is then? The general decomposition
and miseries have to give birth to revolutionary situation and to
revolutionary consciousness. If these are late, the competition of
the democratic currents will occur again in the streets and this will
manifest for workers the impossibility of social peace. There is no
civil war in itself, there are class interests behind that. The
question is, that in the process of exploitation to what extent will
the false conscience break up and how strongly will the class struggle
be able to emerge.
The ruling class has been using crowds of brainwashed workers for
its interests. But nationalisms of various kinds also have been
competing with each other and the extreme right, without effective
capitalist support, will decline. Since it appears economically
only in fragmental way in the bloody oasis of democracy. The reformist
past has misled the working class several times, by now the meeting
of the immediate aims and the real desires has to become necessary –
not on the dissecting-table but – through the struggle of our class –
on the red barricades!

Barricade Collective
Autumn 2006
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