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(en) Ireland, An anarchist analysis of the Dublin anti-loyalist riot - a case of spontaneous uprising

Date Mon, 13 Mar 2006 12:45:44 +0200


by Joe - Irish anarchist WSM - personal capacity
Saturday saw a major riot in Dublin in response to an attempted
Loyalist 'Love Ulster' march through the main street of the capital.
For three hours hundreds rioted in the city centre, banks and shops
were attacked and looted and cars were set on fire. All the political
parties including Sinn Fein have condemned the riots but few have
analysed what happened. This article first submitted to indymedia.ie
suggests the riot shows that "he who sows misery, harvests anger".
Dublin Riots: What Happened and Why
A political analysis of the Dublin riots and why nobody saw them coming
I, like almost everybody I know, didn't predict the events of
Saturday. In fact the only person I know who did predict a major riot
was a friend of mine who happens to hail from the wee North - in
retrospect I should have realised that he had his finger on the pulse,
for not only does he have much more experience of sectarian
marches, but through his job he knows many of the people who
were involved and has an unusual insight and sympathy for those
people who most Dubliners write off as 'scumbags' and 'knackers'.
This article is an analysis of what happened and why almost
everybody got it so wrong. This article is a companion piece to the
photo essay which I published yesterday.
Policing

I have a lot of experience of protesting and policing, having attended
many of the most hyped and heavily policed events that Dublin has
seen in the last decade as well as some of the biggest and most
volatile international protests that have occurred around the world,
both as a participant and a cameraman. From this it is obvious to me
that the police were similarly completely surprised by the events of
Saturday February 25th in central Dublin.

I also know that the Gardai are more than capable of policing
contentious and potentially volatile protests in what would be
regarded as a way that is in line with international policing norms. I
was there on the Navan road when 3,000 anti-capitalist protestors
made the march to Farmleigh on Mayday 2004. On that day there
were thousands of police deployed and although the protestors
managed to get much closer to the location of the summit than the
police would have liked, the state was never in any danger of losing
control of the situation. They had deployed thousands of police in
riot gear, backed up by water cannon and a massive deployment of
surveillance technology and they successfully contained the
protestors much as their international colleagues routinely do.
Therefore, I do not think that it is conceivable that the complete
under-preparedness of the gardai could possibly be a result of
incompetence in terms of their ability to police events - they have
proved very successful at containing much bigger protests in the
past....

There have been some suggestions that our power-crazed minister
for justice or other sinister forces within the 26 country state may
have deliberately failed to prepare adequately to police this event in
order to further some security or anti-republican agenda. While I'm
sure the minister for justice would love to have the power to do this,
I'm also certain that he doesn't and that this theory is entirely
implausible. Gardai are generally not happy to be sent out under
prepared to face rioters and if there had been any inkling that a riot
was likely to ensue, the guards would have been extremely unwilling
- to say the least - to be used as target practice in such a scheme,
pawns in the minister's power game. As it is the gardai on the
ground were extremely angry and remain so that they were sent out
to police a situation without anything like the resources that they
would have needed to contain the situation. Furthermore, I talked to
the Superintendent who appeared to be in charge of operations on
the day and several ordinary gardai and they all expressed the same
opinion - that they had anticipated some 'trouble' but nothing like
the rioting that happened and while it is a foolish person who
believes anything just because the Gardai say it is so (I remember
the stream of lies and smears that the Garda press office came out
with in the run up to Mayday 2004) - these reactions seemed
genuine and unscripted.

Therefore, I think it is clear that the guards were genuinely taken
completely by surprise by the events of the day and I think that the
reasons for them being surprised were exactly the same as the
reasons that I and almost all of the other political activists whom I
know were similarly taken by surprise.

Essentially, our mistake was to assume that political protests need to
be organised by somebody. In general this is true and I don't know of
any other event that has taken place in Dublin in the last 20 years
which happened without being organised or planned by some
organisation or other. The riots of central Dublin were an exception
to this rule, no organisation planned them and almost nobody saw
them coming.

The Garda intelligence reports in advance of the march would have
told them that Sinn Fein were trying as hard as they could to keep
their members away from the protest - I believe that they announced
that anybody who was seen in the city centre on the day would be
banned from their functions for 6 months and this largely worked, I
only saw a single shinner in the city throughout the day and he was
obviously there as a sanctioned observer and remained behind police
lines (where I also inadvertently found myself). Similarly, the Gardai
know that the 32CSM had called off their protest and were not
interested in provoking a confrontation. While Republican Sinn Fein
did organise a counter protest, the gardai pretty much know what
their membership has for breakfast and are well aware that they are a
tiny organisation based around a small number of traditional
republican families who are completely incapable of mobilising more
than a few dozen die-hards. The 4th significant Republican group,
the IRSP, are virtually non-existant in the south and are incapable of
organising anything. Besides the Gardai were well aware of the fact
that the march was intended as a provocation, a trap for republicans
to fall into and that the various republican groups were intelligent
enough to recognise this and avoid falling into it.

The other political current that regularly causes the Gardai security
worries in Dublin is the anarchists and the Gardai would have been
well aware that the anarchist organisations were not at all interested
in stoking the flames of sectarianism. The Gardai read indymedia for
their intelligence like the rest of us and they would have been aware
that the anarchists were not planning trouble for this march - being
more interested in taking the piss out of the bigots than getting into a
ruck with them. They knew that neither the WSM nor Organise! the
two formal anarchist organisations in the country were simply not
going to get involved in organising a protest that would be seen as
nationalist and sectarian. Thus the Gardai came to the same
assesment that I did - no political organisations who were capable of
causing trouble were mobilising to oppose the loyalist march and
they were right. From the long years that I have spent attending and
covering protests I recognise a lot of faces from these various groups
and they simply weren't involved in the confrontation - those whom
I saw were bemusedly observing the whole thing from the sidelines.
The people who are claiming that the events were orchestrated by
this or that political group are simply liars who are pursuing various
agendas and cynically using the riot to attack their political
opponents. From the fantasist pathological liars of the Sunday
Independent to the PDs, every reactionary in the country will use
any such event as this to smear their opponents and they can be
safely ignored by anybody who is seeking to understand these
events.
So, if it wasn't organised by political groups, how did it happen?

The people who took part in the rioting were largely drawn from the
urban poor, mostly disenfranchised young men from impoverished
estates around Dublin, people who normally have no political voice
whatsoever, people who rarely vote, who are disorganised, who live
in communities that have been ravaged by poverty and drug and
alcohol abuse, people who many of those who live lives of privilege
and relative comfort write off as 'scumbags' or whom the Marxists
describe as 'lumpen'. Although these people are generally seen as
apolitical and disinterested in politics, this is not entirely true. Many
of them have a deep and abiding sense of identity which is derived
from their nationalism or patriotism. As my friend said to me, he is
constantly amazed at the number of young men from impoverished
communities who sport tricolour or pro-IRA tattoos, despite the fact
that they have no political involvement in any of the Republican or
Nationalist organizations.

This sense of identity is expressed in various ways in addition to the
tattoos - from the houses and flats decked out in green bunting
during the world cup, to the well known 'bar stool republicanism'
and popularity of nationalist songs in the bars where the poor drink,
to the widespread and passionate support for Glasgow Celtic Football
Club among the poor and disenfranchised. An instinctive
nationalism and a strong sense of identity for their own community
is the real political expression of the urban poor in Dublin. The idea
that the loyalist paramilitaries could come and march through their
city, by the GPO - ground zero of Irish republicanism - was
sufficiently provocative to enrage these people on a much deeper
level than any of the habitual attacks on their living conditions or
economic lives could possibly do. They are used to being at the
bottom, to being shat upon by the rest of society, but their
nationalism and sense of community identity is one thing that gives
them pride in themselves - allowing the loyalists to march through
their city and to disrespect their identity would be a full frontal
assault on their pride and pride is all they have.

Therefore, despite the lack of mobilisation by any of the political
groups and in some cases (as with Sinn Fein) the active efforts to
stop their supporters attending, groups of youth from all over the city
headed into town to oppose the loyalist march. Many of them
obviously prepared themselves with projectiles and fireworks,
presumably intending to hurl them at the loyalists. From my position
behind the police lines I witnessed several golf balls and ball bearings
(one of which struck me on the leg) being thrown over the lines of
the riot police and bangers and rockets continuously exploded on the
ranks of the riot police. Therefore, I think it is clear that a fair
number of those who took part in the riots were prepared to throw
projectiles at the loyalist march. However, it is also clear that none of
this was coordinated, it didn't have to be. It doesn't take any
coordination or organisation for a bunch of mates to head into town
together with a few projectiles and since the anti-loyalist sentiment is
widespread, it doesn't take any great leap of imagination to picture
groups of youths from all over the city arriving at the idea
independently and that's what happened.

I talked to several people from different areas of the city who
reported groups of youth from impoverished areas of the city
travelling into town on buses talking loudly about their plans to pelt
the loyalists. It was probably the one political issue in Dublin which
was certain to lead to such a decentralised mobilisation. Anybody
who is familiar with the patterns of sectarian rioting in the North
knows that although the rioting is normally controlled, to a greater or
lesser extent, by paramilitary groups, the vast majority of the
participants are local youths who are not members of any political
organisation - exactly the same section of society as those who
rioted in Dublin and indeed the same section of society who are
almost always the ones to riot - from Paris to Argentina it is the
impoverished youth on the margins of society who riot, having
nothing to lose and little fear of authority.
How did the situation escalate?

However, what eventually occurred in central Dublin was much
more than a few bunches of youths pelting the marchers with small
projectiles and fireworks, it turned into a full scale riot. How did this
come about?

The RSF counter demonstration provided a rallying point for all of
these disenfranchised people who made their way into Dublin early
on Saturday morning. By the time that the march was due to begin
at 12.30, the handful of RSF supporters taking part in the
demonstration had been joined by a few hundred of these unaffiliated
anti-loyalist youth. The Gardai had corralled the RSF demonstration
behind barriers in the middle of the road, but this was not a crowd
that was going to accept the right of the Gardai to tell them where to
stand. As I approached the Parnell monument from Parnell Square
shortly after 12.30 with an indymedia videographer and saw the
counter-demonstration, it was immediately clear to us that the
loyalist march was not going to be able to leave Parnell Square at all.
The protestors were utterly enraged. People were screaming at the
guards "call yourself fucking Irish, you'll let them march and you
won't let us march up to them", "orange bastards" and "free state
scum" and other similar epithets.

There were also large numbers of working class youth amassing at
the junction of Parnell Street and O'Connell Street and the crowd
was growing all the time. O'Connell street is flanked on its East side
by a large concentration of impoverished flat complexes and council
houses - an area that has housed some of Dublin’s poorest
communities for over a century. Many of the people who were
arriving at the flash point were locals who may not even have known
about the march, but when they learned that the Gardai were
cordoning off their communities to allow a loyalist march through,
they became similarly enraged and heaped abuse upon the Gardai
'traitors' who were holding back the crowds.

The crowd from the counter demonstration surged through the
barriers into the road and the Gardai responded in the standard way
that they do when a demonstration breaks through a barrier, they
called up the riot squad who launched a baton charge into the crowd
to clear the way for the loyalist march. However, they were not
dealing with a normal political demonstration, they were dealing
with the most disenfranchised sector of society, a group with very
different characteristics from your normal political demonstrators,
the anti-loyalist demonstration was immediately transformed into an
anti-Garda riot that led to the forces of order completely losing
control of central Dublin for the next few hours.

In general, people who attend political demonstrations are people
who have some type of long-term goal that they are aiming towards.
Their political acts are part of some strategy and crucially they have
something to lose. Not so with this crowd. These are people whose
communities are completely ignored by the Gardai and the state,
whose only interactions with the Gardai are to receive beatings and
general persecution from them. In this self same community, only a
few hundred yards away from the flash-point, a local man by the
name of Terrence Wheelock died in highly dubious circumstances
while in custody and it is widely believed that he was beaten to death
by the Gardai. Indeed beatings in custody have become so common
for local youths that they are hardly remarked upon and almost
accepted within 'polite society'. These are people who have little or
nothing to lose, who take pride in the fact that they have no fear,
who are accustomed to being powerless and trodden upon by the
state and who have a deep rage about this state of affairs, a rage
which is generally expressed in a self-destructive way. Many of them
are known to the Gardai. For once they found a large number of
people with a similar experience gathered together in the one spot
and for once they massively outnumbered the Gardai.

Normally on a demonstration a single policeman can handle a dozen
protestors or so since they have a huge arsenal of repressive
measures at their disposal and demonstrators know it well and are
afraid of the consequences of their actions. People who have nothing
to lose are an entirely different proposition. Thus, as soon as the
police charged the crowd to clear the way for the march, they were
greeted with an avalanche of projectiles, bricks, rockets, crude
home-made petrol bombs and so on. Intense fighting broke out
around the junction of Parnell Street and O'Connell street. Lumps of
masonry showered down all around. Many of the participants took
no measures whatsoever to conceal their identities. In those cases
where they did 'mask up', it seemed that they did so because that
was how rioters were supposed to look rather than being an effective
way to conceal their identities. These were the people who aren't
afraid of the Gardai - who will fight back when they are arrested by a
half dozen guards on a typical Saturday night, and for once they had
the weight of numbers.

The Gardai were visibly shocked by the reaction to their attempt to
clear the road. None of the yellow-jacketed guards had been issued
with helmets and several went down with head injuries in the initial
wave of fighting. Even the riot police looked shell shocked as a
massive wave of projectiles beat down upon their shields. Fearless
teenagers danced up to their lines taunting them and receiving
batons across the head without seemingly caring for their own safety
at all. This was an explosion of rage from the poorest and most
marginalised in society and an explosion the likes of which had not
been seen in Dublin for decades.

O'Connell street was a building site and bricks, paving stones,
barricades and oil cans were neatly arranged all along it, almost like
an ammunition dump for rioters. Combine that with the proximity of
many of the poorest residential areas in the city where the Gardai are
feared and hated and the reasonable number of destitute drug users
who you will find around O'Connell street on an average Saturday
and you had a ready supply of people and ammunition for a proper
riot and that was what we saw. There were probably no more than
200 people who were involved in the initial onslaught, but hundreds
more joined in as the fighting made its way down O'Connell Street.
Local youths could be seen coming out of side streets phoning their
mates and as the fighting progressed more and more people joined
in. I'd estimate that over a thousand people took part in the events in
one way or another. Every time that the riot squad managed to
advance a few metres, they would have to leave a line of police to
guard any of the side streets that they had passed as more and more
locals came out to see what was happening. There were crowds
massed all along the side streets and most of their sympathies
appeared to lie with the rioters. At one stage some of the more
political Republicans who had organised the counter-protest engaged
in a sit down protest in front of the riot police advance. Presumably
they had decided that they wanted to distance themselves from the
rioters and mount a protest that was less liable to be associated with
mindless violence. Predictably they were brutally beaten and
promptly cleared from the road. Shortly afterwards, I witnessed a half
dozen Gardai trying to arrest an individual who had become trapped
behind police lines, a crowd of onlookers let out an enraged shout
and started rushing over to intervene - causing the Gardai to
relinquish their hold. The street was still thronged with shoppers and
passers by many of whom seemed entirely nonplussed by the riot,
simply standing towards the sides of the roads or wandering around
behind police lines without taking part in the fighting, but clearly
more sympathetic to the rioters than the Gardai.

The balance of forces and the fearlessness of the rioters left the
Gardai in the impossible position of being unable to control the area.
They only had a few dozen riot police and they were basically limited
to keeping the rioters at bay as wave after wave of projectiles rained
down upon them. On several occasions uniformed police tried to
clear the area behind the line of riot police, but they failed completely
as nobody was willing to cooperate. By the time the Gardai had
driven the crowd back towards the junction of O'Connell Street and
Abbey Street, the police operation had come to a complete standstill.
Hundreds of people, many of them young teenagers, continued to
fight the police and hurl missiles at them. There were only about 30
riot police thinly stretched across the road and barely able to keep the
crowd at bay. All of the uniformed officers were tied up trying to
prevent the crowds of onlookers from joining in from the side streets
behind the front lines and many protestors and shoppers wandered
around bemusedly behind the police lines, climbing on top of skips
and building machinery to get a good look at the action.

Behind the lines of the rioters, looting broke out. Although I didn't
observe it, witnesses report that several women from the inner city
were seen filling bags full of shoes from the shops and engaging in a
bit of 'discount shopping'. The police were not even nearly in a
position to do anything about it. They had lost control of the city and
were mostly just trying to protect themselves as the riot was now
almost entirely an anti-police and anti-state affair. As they did their
best to protect themselves, the looting continued and sections of the
crowd also targeted various prominent symbols of capitalism - all the
banks in the area had their windows broken as well as the nearby
McDonalds.

As far as I could see there was virtually no presence among the
rioters from anybody 'political' apart from a small number of the
more youthful dissident Republican and anarchist sympathisers. The
members of political parties that I recognised were generally behind
police lines with attitudes that went from bewilderment to
bemusement. This was a riot borne out of anger and
disenfranchisement, an expression of rage that was almost without a
political aim - the only common target was the state and the
establishment, the loyalists were almost forgotten about by this
stage.

At around this time, I observed a surge in the crowd and a man in a
brown coat running towards the edges of the police lines. He was
pursued by a dozen people or so who were raining down blows upon
him. He reached the edge of the side street that runs along the South
side of the GPO and a hail of bricks, bottles and stones rained down
around his head. As he staggered through the police lines and into a
side street a large metal poll - the type that typically supports a street
sign - just missed his head and dealt him a side swipe. A foot or so to
the right and it would have killed him. At the time I wondered what
had led the crowd to turn their anger upon this individual and I
guessed that he had been identified as a member of the police special
branch.

It seems that this was in fact RTE's Charlie Bird who had been
fingered by the crowd as an 'orange bastard' and set upon. This was
most unfair to Charlie, who is most certainly not an orangeman and
it seems that he was utterly confused about why this had happened.
Although this is just my own speculation, I assume that what
happened went something like the following. Somebody recognised
him as Charlie Bird from RTE and thus a member of the
establishment. RTE is generally felt by republicans to be
anti-republican (with some justification) and thus whoever
recognised him saw him as a representative of both the
establishment and of RTE's anti-republican stance and called him an
'orange bastard'. In such a situation being fingered publicly as an
infiltrator is only likely to lead to one thing. He was very lucky to get
away with his life. Throughout the day several other journalists were
similarly shocked to be targeted by rioters, few of them seemed to
realise that this was a consequence of the rioters simply not 'giving a
fuck' how they were represented in the media - they weren't making
a political point, they were expressing the rage of the excluded. Even
this indymedia photographer had a similar experience later in the day
with an angry young man who told me that he didn't give a fuck
what indy-fucking media I was working for and might have easily
decided to take it further was it not for the fact that I was obviously
known to the group of protestors around me.

After the standoff had been reached and the attendant constant
barrage of debris had lasted for about an hour at the junction of
O'Connell Street and Abbey Street, a large section of the crowd -
those who had been most heavily engaged in the fighting - suddenly
turned on their heels and took off south across O'Connell bridge at a
run. I heard various theories that might have sparked this. Some said
that a rumour had gone around that the loyalists had made their way
around O'Connell Street and had arrived at the Dail, however, I think
it is just as likely that the rioters realised that they had won control of
the city centre and had decided to take the riot to the wealthy south
side of the city. In any case, I remained trapped behind the line of
riot police and was not able to follow them. Then, some 15 minutes
later, myself and the indymedia videographer with me found our way
out down a lane linking the side of the GPO to Abbey Street and
followed the crowd towards the south side of the city. Bizzarelly, it
appeared that there were no police around whatsoever. Traffic was
still running south along Westmoreland Street directly into the riot
on Lower O'Connell Street. As I reached College Green, the first
police van tore by heading for Nassau Street, this being a full twenty
minutes after the crowd had arrived. As I reached Nassau Street I
witnessed an incredibly bizzare and disconcerting sight. On my left a
mob was torching cars, on my right Grafton Street shopping
continued very much like any ordinary Saturday afternoon. I
wandered down towards the crowd to find a thin line of Gardai
protecting the bottom of Kildare Street utterly powerless to intervene
as the crowd smashed and burned expensive cars and broke shop
windows. Most of this destruction appeared almost entirely aimless -
there were even people throwing bottles back into the crowd,
although there were some exceptions. A group set about thrashing
the headquarters of the Progressive Democrats, which was surely
the best choice of targets available and must have been explicitly
chosen since its location is not obvious or well known.

Eventually more and more Gardai arrived and drove the crowd
backwards towards College Green, prompting several panicked
stampedes as people sought to escape their batons. At this stage I
decided to call it a day. The rioters were breaking up and headed into
Temple Bar and elsewhere in smaller groups. Small groups of riot
police tried to contain them here and there, but they had yet to
establish any sort of control over the city as groups of youths
wandered around casually looting and destroying property without
much distinction. This was over 3 hours after the riots had started
and I was tired, so I walked back along O'Connell Street to view the
destruction. One thing that struck me as odd was that there were a
huge numbers of council workers deployed already to clean up the
mess - almost as if the state had been expecting it. Now, as I said
above, I don't think that this conspiratorial explanation is plausible,
but it did seem to be most unusual that the state could be so ill
prepared for policing this demonstration and so well prepared to tidy
up after a riot.
Summary / Appraisal

Virtually all of the analysis that I have read about the Dublin riots in
the short time since they happened has completely missed the point.
Most commentators have focused on the apparent own-goal that the
riots represent to Republicanism and the way that they have played
into the hands of unionists. I don't think this is accurate at all.
Anybody who thinks that a happy reception for a loyalist march in
Dublin would bring unionist sentiment a centimetre closer to
accepting unification of the island is blind to reality. The peace
process has created an entrenched sectarian division of power in the
wee north. Unionist parties compete with each other for protestant
votes. Nationalist politicians compete with each other for catholic
votes and there is no realistic prospect of this changing without a
complete overhaul of the political system. Thus all the northern
nationalists I have spoken to, mostly SDLP supporters, declare
themselves very happy that the loyalists weren't allowed to get away
with the travesty of marching by the GPO and are uniformly happy
that the loyalists were sent back home on their buses without
marching. I am far less acquainted with unionist opinion but I doubt
that it makes much difference either way. If they had succeeded in
marching it would presumably have bolstered the prestige of mr
Frazer's paramilitary Love Ulster organisation and the fact that this
didn't happen probably means little change to the balance of power
within unionism. I also wonder if Love Ulster will be able to mobilise
their supporters for a similar march in the future. Although the
people who came to march have experienced far worse in terms of
violence during the troubles (both as victims and perpetrators) they
did not exude the normal triumphalism or defiance that one
normally associates with loyalism, instead I got a sense of fear from
them. It is one thing to be defiant in your own community, it is
another thing to be dumped in the middle of a strange city where a
large swathe of the population hates you and where you have no
support amongst the working class and the experience of relying
upon the security forces of the hated Republic to protect you from a
lynching could not be a pleasant one.

In terms of the affects on southern politics, it is important to realise
that the riots had almost nothing to do with republicanism. RSF are a
fringe group with virtually no support and if any of them took part in
the riots they were in an insignificant minority. The riots were an
expression of the anger of the most marginalised sector of Dublin's
urban poor, they had no real political point other than an expression
of that rage. While those who are suspicious of Sinn Fein will use
the riots as another weapon against them, they had zero involvement
whatsoever. Their outright condemnation of the riots might even
alienate some of their more disenfranchised support base and drive
them towards the dissidents, but I doubt that this is likely to happen
on any great scale.

Much more significantly, the riots represent the first time in living
memory that the very poorest and most marginalised elements in
Irish society expressed themselves politically, undirected as it may
have been. The 'scumbags' will have experienced this as a great
victory - they stopped the 'orange bastards' from marching, they took
on the guards en masse and won - they controlled the city centre for
several hours on a Saturday afternoon and many of them will have
experienced this as an intensely empowering demonstration of their
worth. In future the government may have to reckon with this sector
as a political force - rioting is often empowering for the marginalised
and can easily spread and the government will want to take great
pains to discourage that. I think it is highly unlikely that the
government will be at all keen to repeat the disaster of the loyalist
march and risk providing a chance for this anger to express itself
again. Unfortunately, however, it is very difficult to turn such
destructive expressions of anger into constructive channels. While
the most marginalised elements of the working class woke up on
Sunday morning with a new appreciation of their collective power,
they still lack any constructive way of expressing this and until that
avenue presents itself, it is unlikely to lead to any political force that
can lead towards lasting change.

All of the political groupings in the south bar some of the republican
fringes and the anarchists will condemn these riots in the harshest
terms. Indeed within hours, the state’s politicians were queuing
up to express their outrage and ‘anger’ at the events. But
what is the point of reacting to anger with anger? What use is anger
against people who don’t give a fuck and who don’t have
anything to lose? There is a French anarchist saying that goes
“Qui sème la misère récolte la colère“ – “he
who sows misery, harvests anger”. On Saturday February 25th
2006, we saw the first harvest of our Celtic Tiger and chances are
that it won’t be the last.

More images from the riot: http://www.indymedia.ie/article/74507

As the fallout from the Dublin riot continues Newstalk FM broadcast
this debate between a right wing broadsheet journo and an
indymedia editor who is also a WSM member.
http://radio.indymedia.org/news/2006/03/8812.php
_______________________________________________
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