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(en) Israel, WHAT ARE THEY FIGHTING FOR by Tanya Reinhart

Date Thu, 13 Jul 2006 09:21:12 +0300


Whatever may be the fate of the captive soldier Gilad Shalit, the Israeli
army's war in Gaza is not about him. As senior security analyst Alex
Fishman widely reported, the army was preparing for an attack months
earlier and was constantly pushing for it, with the goal of destroying the
Hamas infrastructure and its government. The army initiated an escalation
on 8 June when it assassinated Abu Samhadana, a senior appointee of the
Hamas government, and intensified its shelling of civilians in the Gaza
Strip. Governmental authorization for action on a larger scale was already
given by 12 June, but it was postponed in the wake of the global
reverberation caused by the killing of civilians in the air force bombing
the next day. The abduction of the soldier released the safety-catch, and
the operation began on 28 June with the destruction of infrastructure in
Gaza and the mass detention of the Hamas leadership in the West Bank, which
was also planned weeks in advance. (1)

In Israeli discourse, Israel ended the occupation in Gaza when it evacuated
its settlers from the Strip, and the Palestinians' behavior therefore
constitutes ingratitude. But there is nothing further from reality than
this description. In fact, as was already stipulated in the Disengagement
Plan, Gaza remained under complete Israeli military control, operating from
outside. Israel prevented any possibility of economic independence for the
Strip and from the very beginning, Israel did not implement a single one of
the clauses of the agreement on border-crossings of November 2005. Israel
simply substituted the expensive occupation of Gaza with a cheap
occupation, one which in Israel's view exempts it from the occupier's
responsibility to maintain the Strip, and from concern for the welfare and
the lives of its million and a half residents, as determined in the fourth
Geneva convention.

Israel does not need this piece of land, one of the most densely populated
in the world, and lacking any natural resources. The problem is that one
cannot let Gaza free, if one wants to keep the West Bank. A third of the
occupied Palestinians live in the Gaza strip. If they are given freedom,
they would become the center of Palestinian struggle for liberation, with
free access to the Western and Arab world. To control the West Bank, Israel
needs full control Gaza. The new form of control Israel has developed is
turning the whole of the Strip into a prison camp completely sealed from
the world.

Besieged occupied people with nothing to hope for, and no alternative means
of political struggle, will always seek ways to fight their oppressor. The
imprisoned Gaza Palestinians found a way to disturb the life of the
Israelis in the vicinity of the Strip, by launching home-made Qassam
rockets across the Gaza wall against Israeli towns bordering the Strip.
These primitive rockets lack the precision to focus on a target, and have
rarely caused Israeli casualties; they do however cause physical and
psychological damage and seriously disturb life in the targeted Israeli
neighborhoods. In the eyes of many Palestinians, the Qassams are a response
to the war Israel has declared on them. As a student from Gaza said to the
New York Times, "Why should we be the only ones who live in fear? With
these rockets, the Israelis feel fear, too. We will have to live in peace
together, or live in fear together." (2)

The mightiest army in the Middle East has no military answer to these
home-made rockets. One answer that presents itself is what Hamas has been
proposing all along, and Haniyeh repeated this week - a comprehensive
cease-fire. Hamas has proven already that it can keep its word. In the 17
months since it announced its decision to abandon armed struggle in favor
of political struggle, and declared a unilateral cease-fire ("tahdiya" -
calm), it did not participate in the launching of Qassams, except under
severe Israeli provocation, as happened in the June escalation. However,
Hamas remains committed to political struggle against the occupation of
Gaza and the West Bank. In Israel's view, the Palestinians elections
results is a disaster, because for the first time they have a leadership
that insists on representing Palestinian interests rather than just
collaborating with Israel's demands.

Since ending the occupation is the one thing Israel is not willing to
consider, the option promoted by the army is breaking the Palestinians by
devastating brutal force. They should be starved, bombarded, terrorized
with sonic booms for months, until they understand that rebelling is
futile, and accepting prison life is their only hope for staying alive.
Their elected political system, institutions and police should be
destroyed. In Israel's vision, Gaza should be ruled by gangs collaborating
with the prison wards.

The Israeli army is hungry for war. It would not let concerns for captive
soldiers stand in its way. Since 2002 the army has argued that an
"operation" along the lines of "Defensive Shield" in Jenin was also
necessary in Gaza. Exactly a year ago, on 15 July (before the
Disengagement), the army concentrated forces on the border of the Strip for
an offensive of this scale on Gaza. But then the USA imposed a veto. Rice
arrived for an emergency visit that was described as acrimonious and
stormy, and the army was forced to back down (3). Now, the time has finally
came. With the Islamophobia of the American Administration at a high point,
it appears that the USA is prepared to authorize such an operation, on
condition that it not provoke a global outcry with excessively-reported
attacks on civilians.(4)

With the green light for the offensive given, the army's only concern is
public image. Fishman reported this Tuesday that the army is worried that
"what threatens to burry this huge military and diplomatic effort" is
reports of the humanitarian crisis in Gaza. Hence, the army would take care
to let some food into Gaza. (5) From this perspective, it is necessary to
feed the Palestinians in Gaza so that it would be possible to continue to
kill them undisturbed.



==============
*Parts of this article were translated from Hebrew by Mark Marshall.

(1) Alex Fishman, Who is for the elimination of Hamas, Yediot Aharonot
Saturday Supplement, June 30, 2006. See also Alex Fishman, The safety-catch
released, Yediot Aharonot June 21, 2006 (Hebrew), Aluf Benn, An operation
with two goals, Ha'aretz, June 29 2006.

(2) Greg Myre, Rockets Create a 'Balance of Fear' With Israel, Gaza
Residents Say. The New York Times, July 9, 2006.
http://www.nytimes.com/2006/07/09/world/middleeast/09rockets.html?ex=1310097

(3) Steven Erlanger, "U.S. Presses Israel to Smooth the Path to a
Palestinian Gaza", New York Times, August 7 2005.
http://www.nytimes.com/2005/08/07/international/middleeast/07israel.html?ex=1281067200&en=82f12ac7eed5ee24&ei=5088&partner=rssnyt&emc=rss
The planned July 2005 offensive is documented in detail in my The Road Map
to Nowhere - Israel Palestine since 2003, Verso, September 2006.

(4) For a detailed survey of the U.S. administration's present stands, see
Ori Nir, U.S. Seen Backing Israeli Moves To Topple Hamas, The Forward, July
7, 2006. http://www.forward.com/articles/8063

(5) Alex Fishman, Their food is finished, Yediot Aharonot, July 11, 2006.


http://www.tau.ac.il/~reinhart

A shorter version of this article was scheduled to appear Thursday, July 13
in Yediot Aharonot, but postponed to next week because of the developments
in Southern Lebanon.
=================================
* The author is an anarchist professor long time activist
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