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(en) Ireland: The Dublin Riots - What Happened and Why

Date Mon, 27 Feb 2006 16:10:49 +0100 (CET)

A political analysis of the Dublin riots and why nobody saw them coming
Saturday saw a major riot in Dublin in response to an attempted Loyalist
'Love Ulster' march through the main street of the capital. For three
hours hundreds rioted in the city centre, banks and shops were attacked
and looted and cars were set on fire. All the political parties including
Sinn Fein have condemned the riots but few have analysed what happened.
This article first submitted to indymedia.ie suggests the riot shows that
"he who sows misery, harvests anger". The author is an anarchist living in
* * * * * * * * * *
I, like almost everybody I know, didn't predict the events of Saturday. In
fact the only person I know who did predict a major riot was a friend of
mine who happens to hail from the wee North - in retrospect I should have
realised that he had his finger on the pulse, for not only does he have
much more experience of sectarian marches, but through his job he knows
many of the people who were involved and has an unusual insight and
sympathy for those people who most Dubliners write off as 'scumbags' and
'knackers'. This article is an analysis of what happened and why almost
everybody got it so wrong. This article is a companion piece to the photo
essay which I published yesterday.


I have a lot of experience of protesting and policing, having attended
many of the most hyped and heavily policed events that Dublin has seen in
the last decade as well as some of the biggest and most volatile
international protests that have occurred around the world, both as a
participant and a cameraman. From this it is obvious to me that the police
were similarly completely surprised by the events of Saturday February
25th in central Dublin.

I also know that the Gardai are more than capable of policing contentious
and potentially volatile protests in what would be regarded as a way that
is in line with international policing norms. I was there on the Navan
road when 3,000 anti-capitalist protestors made the march to Farmleigh on
Mayday 2004. On that day there were thousands of police deployed and
although the protestors managed to get much closer to the location of the
summit than the police would have liked, the state was never in any danger
of losing control of the situation. They had deployed thousands of police
in riot gear, backed up by water cannon and a massive deployment of
surveillance technology and they successfully contained the protestors
much as their international colleagues routinely do. Therefore, I do not
think that it is conceivable that the complete under-preparedness of the
gardai could possibly be a result of incompetence in terms of their
ability to police events - they have proved very successful at containing
much bigger protests in the past....

There have been some suggestions that our power-crazed minister for
justice or other sinister forces within the 26 country state may have
deliberately failed to prepare adequately to police this event in order to
further some security or anti-republican agenda. While I'm sure the
minister for justice would love to have the power to do this, I'm also
certain that he doesn't and that this theory is entirely implausible.
Gardai are generally not happy to be sent out under prepared to face
rioters and if there had been any inkling that a riot was likely to ensue,
the guards would have been extremely unwilling - to say the least - to be
used as target practice in such a scheme, pawns in the minister's power
game. As it is the gardai on the ground were extremely angry and remain so
that they were sent out to police a situation without anything like the
resources that they would have needed to contain the situation.
Furthermore, I talked to the Superintendent who appeared to be in charge
of operations on the day and several ordinary gardai and they all
expressed the same opinion - that they had anticipated some 'trouble' but
nothing like the rioting that happened and while it is a foolish person
who believes anything just because the Gardai say it is so (I remember the
stream of lies and smears that the Garda press office came out with in the
run up to Mayday 2004) - these reactions seemed genuine and unscripted.

Therefore, I think it is clear that the guards were genuinely taken
completely by surprise by the events of the day and I think that the
reasons for them being surprised were exactly the same as the reasons that
I and almost all of the other political activists whom I know were
similarly taken by surprise.

Essentially, our mistake was to assume that political protests need to be
organised by somebody. In general this is true and I don't know of any
other event that has taken place in Dublin in the last 20 years which
happened without being organised or planned by some organisation or other.
The riots of central Dublin were an exception to this rule, no
organisation planned them and almost nobody saw them coming.

The Garda intelligence reports in advance of the march would have told
them that Sinn Fein were trying as hard as they could to keep their
members away from the protest - I believe that they announced that anybody
who was seen in the city centre on the day would be banned from their
functions for 6 months and this largely worked, I only saw a single
shinner in the city throughout the day and he was obviously there as a
sanctioned observer and remained behind police lines (where I also
inadvertently found myself). Similarly, the Gardai know that the 32CSM had
called off their protest and were not interested in provoking a
confrontation. While Republican Sinn Fein did organise a counter protest,
the gardai pretty much know what their membership has for breakfast and
are well aware that they are a tiny organisation based around a small
number of traditional republican families who are completely incapable of
mobilising more than a few dozen die-hards. The 4th significant Republican
group, the IRSP, are virtually non-existant in the south and are incapable
of organising anything. Besides the Gardai were well aware of the fact
that the march was intended as a provocation, a trap for republicans to
fall into and that the various republican groups were intelligent enough
to recognise this and avoid falling into it.

The other political current that regularly causes the Gardai security
worries in Dublin is the anarchists and the Gardai would have been well
aware that the anarchist organisations were not at all interested in
stoking the flames of sectarianism. The Gardai read indymedia for their
intelligence like the rest of us and they would have been aware that the
anarchists were not planning trouble for this march - being more
interested in taking the piss out of the bigots than getting into a ruck
with them. They knew that neither the WSM nor Organise! the two formal
anarchist organisations in the country were simply not going to get
involved in organising a protest that would be seen as nationalist and
sectarian. Thus the Gardai came to the same assesment that I did - no
political organisations who were capable of causing trouble were
mobilising to oppose the loyalist march and they were right. From the long
years that I have spent attending and covering protests I recognise a lot
of faces from these various groups and they simply weren't involved in the
confrontation - those whom I saw were bemusedly observing the whole thing
from the sidelines. The people who are claiming that the events were
orchestrated by this or that political group are simply liars who are
pursuing various agendas and cynically using the riot to attack their
political opponents. From the fantasist pathological liars of the Sunday
Independent to the PDs, every reactionary in the country will use any such
event as this to smear their opponents and they can be safely ignored by
anybody who is seeking to understand these events.

So, if it wasn't organised by political groups, how did it happen?

The people who took part in the rioting were largely drawn from the urban
poor, mostly disenfranchised young men from impoverished estates around
Dublin, people who normally have no political voice whatsoever, people who
rarely vote, who are disorganised, who live in communities that have been
ravaged by poverty and drug and alcohol abuse, people who many of those
who live lives of privilege and relative comfort write off as 'scumbags'
or whom the Marxists describe as 'lumpen'. Although these people are
generally seen as apolitical and disinterested in politics, this is not
entirely true. Many of them have a deep and abiding sense of identity
which is derived from their nationalism or patriotism. As my friend said
to me, he is constantly amazed at the number of young men from
impoverished communities who sport tricolour or pro-IRA tattoos, despite
the fact that they have no political involvement in any of the Republican
or Nationalist organizations.

This sense of identity is expressed in various ways in addition to the
tattoos - from the houses and flats decked out in green bunting during the
world cup, to the well known 'bar stool republicanism' and popularity of
nationalist songs in the bars where the poor drink, to the widespread and
passionate support for Glasgow Celtic Football Club among the poor and
disenfranchised. An instinctive nationalism and a strong sense of identity
for their own community is the real political expression of the urban poor
in Dublin. The idea that the loyalist paramilitaries could come and march
through their city, by the GPO - ground zero of Irish republicanism - was
sufficiently provocative to enrage these people on a much deeper level
than any of the habitual attacks on their living conditions or economic
lives could possibly do. They are used to being at the bottom, to being
shat upon by the rest of society, but their nationalism and sense of
community identity is one thing that gives them pride in themselves -
allowing the loyalists to march through their city and to disrespect their
identity would be a full frontal assault on their pride and pride is all
they have.

Therefore, despite the lack of mobilisation by any of the political groups
and in some cases (as with Sinn Fein) the active efforts to stop their
supporters attending, groups of youth from all over the city headed into
town to oppose the loyalist march. Many of them obviously prepared
themselves with projectiles and fireworks, presumably intending to hurl
them at the loyalists. From my position behind the police lines I
witnessed several golf balls and ball bearings (one of which struck me on
the leg) being thrown over the lines of the riot police and bangers and
rockets continuously exploded on the ranks of the riot police. Therefore,
I think it is clear that a fair number of those who took part in the riots
were prepared to throw projectiles at the loyalist march. However, it is
also clear that none of this was coordinated, it didn't have to be. It
doesn't take any coordination or organisation for a bunch of mates to head
into town together with a few projectiles and since the anti-loyalist
sentiment is widespread, it doesn't take any great leap of imagination to
picture groups of youths from all over the city arriving at the idea
independently and that's what happened.

I talked to several people from different areas of the city who reported
groups of youth from impoverished areas of the city travelling into town
on buses talking loudly about their plans to pelt the loyalists. It was
probably the one political issue in Dublin which was certain to lead to
such a decentralised mobilisation. Anybody who is familiar with the
patterns of sectarian rioting in the North knows that although the rioting
is normally controlled, to a greater or lesser extent, by paramilitary
groups, the vast majority of the participants are local youths who are not
members of any political organisation - exactly the same section of
society as those who rioted in Dublin and indeed the same section of
society who are almost always the ones to riot - from Paris to Argentina
it is the impoverished youth on the margins of society who riot, having
nothing to lose and little fear of authority.

How did the situation escalate?

However, what eventually occurred in central Dublin was much more than a
few bunches of youths pelting the marchers with small projectiles and
fireworks, it turned into a full scale riot. How did this come about?

The RSF counter demonstration provided a rallying point for all of these
disenfranchised people who made their way into Dublin early on Saturday
morning. By the time that the march was due to begin at 12.30, the handful
of RSF supporters taking part in the demonstration had been joined by a
few hundred of these unaffiliated anti-loyalist youth. The Gardai had
corralled the RSF demonstration behind barriers in the middle of the road,
but this was not a crowd that was going to accept the right of the Gardai
to tell them where to stand. As I approached the Parnell monument from
Parnell Square shortly after 12.30 with an indymedia videographer and saw
the counter-demonstration, it was immediately clear to us that the
loyalist march was not going to be able to leave Parnell Square at all.
The protestors were utterly enraged. People were screaming at the guards
"call yourself fucking Irish, you'll let them march and you won't let us
march up to them", "orange bastards" and "free state scum" and other
similar epithets.

There were also large numbers of working class youth amassing at the
junction of Parnell Street and O'Connell Street and the crowd was growing
all the time. O'Connell street is flanked on its East side by a large
concentration of impoverished flat complexes and council houses - an area
that has housed some of Dublin?s poorest communities for over a century.
Many of the people who were arriving at the flash point were locals who
may not even have known about the march, but when they learned that the
Gardai were cordoning off their communities to allow a loyalist march
through, they became similarly enraged and heaped abuse upon the Gardai
'traitors' who were holding back the crowds.

The crowd from the counter demonstration surged through the barriers into
the road and the Gardai responded in the standard way that they do when a
demonstration breaks through a barrier, they called up the riot squad who
launched a baton charge into the crowd to clear the way for the loyalist
march. However, they were not dealing with a normal political
demonstration, they were dealing with the most disenfranchised sector of
society, a group with very different characteristics from your normal
political demonstrators, the anti-loyalist demonstration was immediately
transformed into an anti-Garda riot that led to the forces of order
completely losing control of central Dublin for the next few hours.

In general, people who attend political demonstrations are people who have
some type of long-term goal that they are aiming towards. Their political
acts are part of some strategy and crucially they have something to lose.
Not so with this crowd. These are people whose communities are completely
ignored by the Gardai and the state, whose only interactions with the
Gardai are to receive beatings and general persecution from them. In this
self same community, only a few hundred yards away from the flash-point, a
local man by the name of Terrence Wheelock died in highly dubious
circumstances while in custody and it is widely believed that he was
beaten to death by the Gardai. Indeed beatings in custody have become so
common for local youths that they are hardly remarked upon and almost
accepted within 'polite society'. These are people who have little or
nothing to lose, who take pride in the fact that they have no fear, who
are accustomed to being powerless and trodden upon by the state and who
have a deep rage about this state of affairs, a rage which is generally
expressed in a self-destructive way. Many of them are known to the Gardai.
For once they found a large number of people with a similar experience
gathered together in the one spot and for once they massively outnumbered
the Gardai.

Normally on a demonstration a single policeman can handle a dozen
protestors or so since they have a huge arsenal of repressive measures at
their disposal and demonstrators know it well and are afraid of the
consequences of their actions. People who have nothing to lose are an
entirely different proposition. Thus, as soon as the police charged the
crowd to clear the way for the march, they were greeted with an avalanche
of projectiles, bricks, rockets, crude home-made petrol bombs and so on.
Intense fighting broke out around the junction of Parnell Street and
O'Connell street. Lumps of masonry showered down all around. Many of the
participants took no measures whatsoever to conceal their identities. In
those cases where they did 'mask up', it seemed that they did so because
that was how rioters were supposed to look rather than being an effective
way to conceal their identities. These were the people who aren't afraid
of the Gardai - who will fight back when they are arrested by a half dozen
guards on a typical Saturday night, and for once they had the weight of

The Gardai were visibly shocked by the reaction to their attempt to clear
the road. None of the yellow-jacketed guards had been issued with helmets
and several went down with head injuries in the initial wave of fighting.
Even the riot police looked shell shocked as a massive wave of projectiles
beat down upon their shields. Fearless teenagers danced up to their lines
taunting them and receiving batons across the head without seemingly
caring for their own safety at all. This was an explosion of rage from the
poorest and most marginalised in society and an explosion the likes of
which had not been seen in Dublin for decades.

O'Connell street was a building site and bricks, paving stones, barricades
and oil cans were neatly arranged all along it, almost like an ammunition
dump for rioters. Combine that with the proximity of many of the poorest
residential areas in the city where the Gardai are feared and hated and
the reasonable number of destitute drug users who you will find around
O'Connell street on an average Saturday and you had a ready supply of
people and ammunition for a proper riot and that was what we saw. There
were probably no more than 200 people who were involved in the initial
onslaught, but hundreds more joined in as the fighting made its way down
O'Connell Street. Local youths could be seen coming out of side streets
phoning their mates and as the fighting progressed more and more people
joined in. I'd estimate that over a thousand people took part in the
events in one way or another. Every time that the riot squad managed to
advance a few metres, they would have to leave a line of police to guard
any of the side streets that they had passed as more and more locals came
out to see what was happening. There were crowds massed all along the side
streets and most of their sympathies appeared to lie with the rioters. At
one stage some of the more political Republicans who had organised the
counter-protest engaged in a sit down protest in front of the riot police
advance. Presumably they had decided that they wanted to distance
themselves from the rioters and mount a protest that was less liable to be
associated with mindless violence. Predictably they were brutally beaten
and promptly cleared from the road. Shortly afterwards, I witnessed a half
dozen Gardai trying to arrest an individual who had become trapped behind
police lines, a crowd of onlookers let out an enraged shout and started
rushing over to intervene - causing the Gardai to relinquish their hold.
The street was still thronged with shoppers and passers by many of whom
seemed entirely nonplussed by the riot, simply standing towards the sides
of the roads or wandering around behind police lines without taking part
in the fighting, but clearly more sympathetic to the rioters than the

The balance of forces and the fearlessness of the rioters left the Gardai
in the impossible position of being unable to control the area. They only
had a few dozen riot police and they were basically limited to keeping the
rioters at bay as wave after wave of projectiles rained down upon them. On
several occasions uniformed police tried to clear the area behind the line
of riot police, but they failed completely as nobody was willing to
cooperate. By the time the Gardai had driven the crowd back towards the
junction of O'Connell Street and Abbey Street, the police operation had
come to a complete standstill. Hundreds of people, many of them young
teenagers, continued to fight the police and hurl missiles at them. There
were only about 30 riot police thinly stretched across the road and barely
able to keep the crowd at bay. All of the uniformed officers were tied up
trying to prevent the crowds of onlookers from joining in from the side
streets behind the front lines and many protestors and shoppers wandered
around bemusedly behind the police lines, climbing on top of skips and
building machinery to get a good look at the action.

Behind the lines of the rioters, looting broke out. Although I didn't
observe it, witnesses report that several women from the inner city were
seen filling bags full of shoes from the shops and engaging in a bit of
'discount shopping'. The police were not even nearly in a position to do
anything about it. They had lost control of the city and were mostly just
trying to protect themselves as the riot was now almost entirely an
anti-police and anti-state affair. As they did their best to protect
themselves, the looting continued and sections of the crowd also targeted
various prominent symbols of capitalism - all the banks in the area had
their windows broken as well as the nearby McDonalds.

As far as I could see there was virtually no presence among the rioters
from anybody 'political' apart from a small number of the more youthful
dissident Republican and anarchist sympathisers. The members of political
parties that I recognised were generally behind police lines with
attitudes that went from bewilderment to bemusement. This was a riot borne
out of anger and disenfranchisement, an expression of rage that was almost
without a political aim - the only common target was the state and the
establishment, the loyalists were almost forgotten about by this stage.

At around this time, I observed a surge in the crowd and a man in a brown
coat running towards the edges of the police lines. He was pursued by a
dozen people or so who were raining down blows upon him. He reached the
edge of the side street that runs along the South side of the GPO and a
hail of bricks, bottles and stones rained down around his head. As he
staggered through the police lines and into a side street a large metal
poll - the type that typically supports a street sign - just missed his
head and dealt him a side swipe. A foot or so to the right and it would
have killed him. At the time I wondered what had led the crowd to turn
their anger upon this individual and I guessed that he had been identified
as a member of the police special branch.

It seems that this was in fact RTE's Charlie Bird who had been fingered by
the crowd as an 'orange bastard' and set upon. This was most unfair to
Charlie, who is most certainly not an orangeman and it seems that he was
utterly confused about why this had happened. Although this is just my own
speculation, I assume that what happened went something like the
following. Somebody recognised him as Charlie Bird from RTE and thus a
member of the establishment. RTE is generally felt by republicans to be
anti-republican (with some justification) and thus whoever recognised him
saw him as a representative of both the establishment and of RTE's
anti-republican stance and called him an 'orange bastard'. In such a
situation being fingered publicly as an infiltrator is only likely to lead
to one thing. He was very lucky to get away with his life. Throughout the
day several other journalists were similarly shocked to be targeted by
rioters, few of them seemed to realise that this was a consequence of the
rioters simply not 'giving a fuck' how they were represented in the media
- they weren't making a political point, they were expressing the rage of
the excluded. Even this indymedia photographer had a similar experience
later in the day with an angry young man who told me that he didn't give a
fuck what indy-fucking media I was working for and might have easily
decided to take it further was it not for the fact that I was obviously
known to the group of protestors around me.

After the standoff had been reached and the attendant constant barrage of
debris had lasted for about an hour at the junction of O'Connell Street
and Abbey Street, a large section of the crowd - those who had been most
heavily engaged in the fighting - suddenly turned on their heels and took
off south across O'Connell bridge at a run. I heard various theories that
might have sparked this. Some said that a rumour had gone around that the
loyalists had made their way around O'Connell Street and had arrived at
the Dail, however, I think it is just as likely that the rioters realised
that they had won control of the city centre and had decided to take the
riot to the wealthy south side of the city. In any case, I remained
trapped behind the line of riot police and was not able to follow them.
Then, some 15 minutes later, myself and the indymedia videographer with me
found our way out down a lane linking the side of the GPO to Abbey Street
and followed the crowd towards the south side of the city. Bizzarelly, it
appeared that there were no police around whatsoever. Traffic was still
running south along Westmoreland Street directly into the riot on Lower
O'Connell Street. As I reached College Green, the first police van tore by
heading for Nassau Street, this being a full twenty minutes after the
crowd had arrived. As I reached Nassau Street I witnessed an incredibly
bizzare and disconcerting sight. On my left a mob was torching cars, on my
right Grafton Street shopping continued very much like any ordinary
Saturday afternoon. I wandered down towards the crowd to find a thin line
of Gardai protecting the bottom of Kildare Street utterly powerless to
intervene as the crowd smashed and burned expensive cars and broke shop
windows. Most of this destruction appeared almost entirely aimless - there
were even people throwing bottles back into the crowd, although there were
some exceptions. A group set about thrashing the headquarters of the
Progressive Democrats, which was surely the best choice of targets
available and must have been explicitly chosen since its location is not
obvious or well known.

Eventually more and more Gardai arrived and drove the crowd backwards
towards College Green, prompting several panicked stampedes as people
sought to escape their batons. At this stage I decided to call it a day.
The rioters were breaking up and headed into Temple Bar and elsewhere in
smaller groups. Small groups of riot police tried to contain them here and
there, but they had yet to establish any sort of control over the city as
groups of youths wandered around casually looting and destroying property
without much distinction. This was over 3 hours after the riots had
started and I was tired, so I walked back along O'Connell Street to view
the destruction. One thing that struck me as odd was that there were a
huge numbers of council workers deployed already to clean up the mess -
almost as if the state had been expecting it. Now, as I said above, I
don't think that this conspiratorial explanation is plausible, but it did
seem to be most unusual that the state could be so ill prepared for
policing this demonstration and so well prepared to tidy up after a riot.

Summary / Appraisal

Virtually all of the analysis that I have read about the Dublin riots in
the short time since they happened has completely missed the point. Most
commentators have focused on the apparent own-goal that the riots
represent to Republicanism and the way that they have played into the
hands of unionists. I don't think this is accurate at all. Anybody who
thinks that a happy reception for a loyalist march in Dublin would bring
unionist sentiment a centimetre closer to accepting unification of the
island is blind to reality. The peace process has created an entrenched
sectarian division of power in the wee north. Unionist parties compete
with each other for protestant votes. Nationalist politicians compete with
each other for catholic votes and there is no realistic prospect of this
changing without a complete overhaul of the political system. Thus all the
northern nationalists I have spoken to, mostly SDLP supporters, declare
themselves very happy that the loyalists weren't allowed to get away with
the travesty of marching by the GPO and are uniformly happy that the
loyalists were sent back home on their buses without marching. I am far
less acquainted with unionist opinion but I doubt that it makes much
difference either way. If they had succeeded in marching it would
presumably have bolstered the prestige of mr Frazer's paramilitary Love
Ulster organisation and the fact that this didn't happen probably means
little change to the balance of power within unionism. I also wonder if
Love Ulster will be able to mobilise their supporters for a similar march
in the future. Although the people who came to march have experienced far
worse in terms of violence during the troubles (both as victims and
perpetrators) they did not exude the normal triumphalism or defiance that
one normally associates with loyalism, instead I got a sense of fear from
them. It is one thing to be defiant in your own community, it is another
thing to be dumped in the middle of a strange city where a large swathe of
the population hates you and where you have no support amongst the working
class and the experience of relying upon the security forces of the hated
Republic to protect you from a lynching could not be a pleasant one.

In terms of the affects on southern politics, it is important to realise
that the riots had almost nothing to do with republicanism. RSF are a
fringe group with virtually no support and if any of them took part in the
riots they were in an insignificant minority. The riots were an expression
of the anger of the most marginalised sector of Dublin's urban poor, they
had no real political point other than an expression of that rage. While
those who are suspicious of Sinn Fein will use the riots as another weapon
against them, they had zero involvement whatsoever. Their outright
condemnation of the riots might even alienate some of their more
disenfranchised support base and drive them towards the dissidents, but I
doubt that this is likely to happen on any great scale.

Much more significantly, the riots represent the first time in living
memory that the very poorest and most marginalised elements in Irish
society expressed themselves politically, undirected as it may have been.
The 'scumbags' will have experienced this as a great victory - they
stopped the 'orange bastards' from marching, they took on the guards en
masse and won - they controlled the city centre for several hours on a
Saturday afternoon and many of them will have experienced this as an
intensely empowering demonstration of their worth. In future the
government may have to reckon with this sector as a political force -
rioting is often empowering for the marginalised and can easily spread and
the government will want to take great pains to discourage that. I think
it is highly unlikely that the government will be at all keen to repeat
the disaster of the loyalist march and risk providing a chance for this
anger to express itself again. Unfortunately, however, it is very
difficult to turn such destructive expressions of anger into constructive
channels. While the most marginalised elements of the working class woke
up on Sunday morning with a new appreciation of their collective power,
they still lack any constructive way of expressing this and until that
avenue presents itself, it is unlikely to lead to any political force that
can lead towards lasting change.

All of the political groupings in the south bar some of the republican
fringes and the anarchists will condemn these riots in the harshest terms.
Indeed within hours, the state?s politicians were queuing up to express
their outrage and ?anger? at the events. But what is the point of reacting
to anger with anger? What use is anger against people who don?t give a
fuck and who don?t have anything to lose? There is a French anarchist
saying that goes ?Qui sème la misère récolte la colère? ? ?he who sows
misery, harvests anger?. On Saturday February 25th 2006, we saw the first
harvest of our Celtic Tiger and chances are that it won?t be the last.

More images from the riot: http://www.indymedia.ie/article/74507

(WSM - personal capacity)

Featured on http://www.anarkismo.net

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