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(en) Palestine-Israel, Media: Outside The Fence - interview with three of the Anarchists Against The Wall

Date Tue, 25 Apr 2006 15:47:35 +0300


We also translated for you an extensive interview with three of the Anarchists
Against The Wall which appeared prominently in Yediot Aharonot*, April 14.
http://www.geocities.com/toi_billboard/AATW_interview.htm
The Separation Fence is closing in upon more and more Palestinian villages. Their inhabitants
are cut off from sources of livelihood. Some Israelis are not willing to remain silent.
Matan Cohen lost an eye because of it. Shai Karmeli-Polak gave up for its sake a promising
career. Leila Mosinzon is going to prison for its sake, next month. The Separation Fence
has become their obsession. What is it about this wall, designed to separate Israelis
from Palestinians, which is bringing young people to give up the well-fed bourgeois
life and get tear gas blown in their face every Friday afternoon? The border inside.

By Asafa Peled - Yedioth Aharonot 14/4/2006 - Translation: Adam Keller

For a long time, dozens of villagers - children, youths and adults -
waited at the entrance to the Beit Sira Municipal Council building.
They were very excited, and it burst out when the car stopped
nearby. A seventeen-year old boy came out, a bit clumsy and
wearing glasses who looked like a a typical Tel-Aviv high school
pupil. The crowd surrounded him with shining eyes, and stood in
line to shake his hand. The boy, wearing stylish jeans and Adidas
shoes, seemed rather embarrassed by this very warm reception.
"You were willing to give your eye for our struggle" said one of the
village leaders to Matan Cohen. "You risked your life to let our voice
be heard. If it was possible, each one of us here would have
exchanged his good eye for your damaged one".

This was Matan Cohen's first visit to the village after being severely
hurt in his eye by a rubber bullet shot by a Border Guard soldier a
month and half ago during an anti-fence demonstration. Cohen had
undergone two operations already and his sight is very limited. Only
in some months will it be clear if he would be able to see with the
damaged eye. Sunlight is difficult for him and he is blinking all the
time.

In the Palestinian press published immediately after it happened, the
photo of Cohen's face covered in blood was published under the
caption "an Israeli peace activist shot in the eye during a
demonstration against the fence". "It is very moving to see how the
village people react, and all the children waiting for my arrival" says
Cohen. "As far as I am concerned, this human warmth, our
togetherness, is the biggest achievement of struggle. More than a
struggle against the physical wall and the thousands of acres it is
stealing from the Palestinians. The real struggle is against the
mental wall."

The demonstration in which Cohen was hurt, on February 24, was
one of a series of demonstrations organized in different West Bank
locations every Friday, organized by local committees along the
route of the fence. Some call the organizers "The Palestinian
Gandhis" because of their unarmed demonstrations.

Every week since the building of the fence started there is a regular
ritual: after the village ends the Friday prayer, everybody leaves the
mosque, together with Israeli activists from "Anarchists Against the
Wall" and some sympathizers from abroad, towards the fence west
of the village.

The army declares the area, which is a large part of the village lands,
as a closed military area. The procession advances. Some are
singing, some make speeches, some present a kind of street theatre
which changes every week.

The soldiers and Border Guards form a cordon and wait for the
demonstrators, to prevent them from nearing the fence. The
demonstrators try to reach it anyway.There are many photographers,
and nearly every minute is preserved. This material would be used
afterwards in court, to defend those who would be accused of
assaulting soldiers.

The sun is hot, the dust clouds go up. They call "Soldiers, go
home!" and the soldiers try to push them back. There is pushing,
shouting, and cursing. Soon smoke grenades and shock grenades
are hurled and rubber bullets are shot. Demonstrators scatter, calling
out "Go away, this is out home!", "Thieves!", "Don't shoot!". Some
demonstrators are hurt, some are detained and taken to a military
vehicle parked beyond the fence. The event lasts several hours until
everybody disperses.

"The demonstration was in fact over when they shot me" tells
Cohen. "I was left, together with three other Israeli activists, quite far
from the soldiers. I shouted to them not to shoot, but one of them
raised his gun and shot me directly in the eye". In photos and video
footage from that day Cohen is seen frightened and bleeding, crying
out for an ambulance, between his fellow activists and the soldiers
who had just hurt him and who were trying to help. Eventually, a
Palestinian ambulance took him to the army checkpoint from which
he was transferred to an Israeli ambulance and taken to hospital.

He is still not calm. "Yes, I am afraid" he says and tells of other
cases, during the three years that he is participating in protests,
when soldiers shot at unarmed civilians. Hundreds were wounded
and ten killed.

- Were you willing to sacrifice your eye for the struggle against the
fence?

"I don't think if somebody told me that I was going to be wounded in
this way, I would have gone to the demonstration. But the risk of
being wounded or killed is always hovering above everybody's head.
As far as I am concerned, I will go on with the non-violent protests,
because there is no choice. The fence leaves people totally
dispossessed, in complete despair. continuing the struggle is vital in
order to show that, though they use daily violence in order to break
the struggle, we will go on and not let them silence us. I believe that
non-violent protest has much more power than the violent
oppression".

The group known as "Anarchists Against the Fence", to which
Cohen belongs, is one of the fascinating phenomena which came
into being because of the building of the fence. The term
"anarchists" brings to mind a group of tattooed punkists, who run
away from conscription and who protect wild flowers with as much
fury as they devote to the downtrodden Palestinians. In practice,
their anarchism is mainly expressed in the independent activity of
every member, with many individual differences between them.

In fact, this is not really an organization, but a collection of
individuals. Many of them had not been active at all until the
bulldozers started to create their accomplished facts. They are
between ten to a hundred people, without a leader or hierarchy,
membership dues or fixed obligations. Each one finances his or her
own expenses. Coordination takes place via phone or email, and
anybody who wants to join is getting help in transportation and entry
into the Palestinian villages.

Many of them had served in combat roles in the army. Some are
lecturers, computer experts, students and pensioners. Most of them
are vegetarians or vegans, and some arrived at the anti-fence
struggle via Animal Rights protests.

The fence had taken them to a place far beyond the mainstream
Israeli debate and discourse, the defence-minded debate on the need
for the fence and the political debate on dismantling settlements.
Perhaps like youngsters in divided Berlin, the fence has made a deep
mental impression on them. They feel as if the fence is dividing their
own lives, which they perceive as "before" and "after". The enemy
which they had known mainly from news reports became human
precisely due to the building of the fence. The barrier caused the
desire to meet the humans behind it, who have gone unnoticed
before they were Separated from Israel. The price is high - they get
beaten up, wounded, detained for days at a time and face dozens of
criminal charges at the court.

It is difficult to understand what makes ordinary people, who had
lived calm daily lives in the center of the country, let themselves be
drawn into this daily ritual and in many ways give up their freedom.
After several days among them one can at least understand what
keeps them there. The scenes to which they are exposed are very
different from what you can see in the news: villages cut off from
their sources of livelihood - water sources, schools, hospitals, jobs.
Movement is severely restricted, thousands of acres are confiscated
and thousands of trees uprooted for the erection of the fence. The
people which they meet are caged behind walls, with a single gate
between them and the outside world. People who until the intifada
had jobs in Israel are unemployed for five years already, with their
families at the edge of hunger. The fence takes away also the chance
to go back to agriculture as a source of livelihood. For the activists,
every trip to the fence makes the going back home more difficult.



To be a bit blond



Three years ago, Matan Cohen moved with his mother from Kfar
Vardim in the Galilee to Tel-Aviv. He was raised in a left-leaning,
humanistically inclined home. Already as a child he was looking for
his own way. After one year at Jaffa's "Democratic Open School" he
found even that rather loose framework uncongenial. He went away
and prepared by himself to the matriculation examinations, which
he successfully passed a year ago.

When he was fourteen he started participating in activities in the
Territories. It started from basic curiosity. "I read about terrorist
attacks and the killing of Palestinian civilians. When the victims are
Palestinians they remain nameless. Just numbers - two Palestinians
killed, seven Palestinians wounded... No names, no personal details.
This language is what causes Israelis to close themselves for the
suffering of the other side.

"The same is true now, in my case. When I was wounded the media
reported it, but the fourteen Palestinians who were wounded in the
same demonstration went unreported, unknown. If somebody who is
a bit blond is hurt it arouses identitification. There, if a person is
killed there is no commission of inquire. Until now no soldier had
been prosecuted for killing unarmed demonstrators, their humanity
is totally ignored.

I meet soldiers of almost my own age, some of them people with
whom I grew up, and they have never been in these villages, never
spoke to the people, have no idea of their situation. They feel that
they are fulfilling a mission to defend Israel. They don;t understand
that I am not their enemy. I am here to tell them that this is not a
security fence, that you can't establish security by oppressing
another people who live at our side.

He says that his family supports his political stance but has asked
him not to go to demonstrations. With time, however, they
understood that their child is serious and not an unrestrained
adventurer. His first activity was joining a relief convoy which
brought humanitarian help to a village under curfew in the Nablus
area. He was the youngest of the Israeli dissidents who set out. "I
remember my feeling of fear and thinking that I am doing something
dangerous, but the reality I saw was shocking.

We were kept and harassed for three hours at the army checkpoint.
When we finally got there everything became real, concrete, real life.
The dead and wounded have a real human form. The gap and abyss
between us, this habit of talking of "us" and "them" is weakening
and is mixing into a "we" which includes everybody. I did not see a
difference between a person who suffers here and a person who
suffers there."

- Is this not a biased look? The Palestinians are throwing stones, and
the soldiers are hurt.

"The presence of the soldiers is in itself violent. When people live
under a daily oppression, some young people can't restrain their
anger, and I can understand that. Their livelihood was taken away,
and they are forbidden to demonstrate against the theft of their lands.
When an armoured jeep enters the village in order to make a
demonstrative show of force, I understand quite well why people
throw stones at it".

With the building of the fence Cohen joined the intensive activity in
the villages on whose land it is being built. There were whole weeks
when he went there day after day, and on many occasions he and
other activists stayed the night. "Staying the night in a Palestinian
village is neither dangerous nor frightening" he says. "The
perception of it as frightening comes out of ignorance of the real
situation. We have grown up with mist forever in front of our eyes, a
whole generation living under a permanent feeling of fear. The
greatest thing which happened to me is to discover that I am
welcome among the Palestinians. I go to the Territories, people talk
to me Hebrew, I learn a bit of Arabic, and I get a friendly reception
everywhere."

Like most of his fellow activists, he is financing from his own pocket
such things as travelling to the West Bank, phone calls, paying
lawyers fees. In time, he had less and less friends who were not
involved in all this. "Non-activists think that what I do is very strange
and eccentric behaviour, that a person in Tel-Aviv just ups and does
what I do".

He does not intend to accept conscription [to which he would be
liable within a year]."I have soaked up the scenes of the Territories. I
saw families being cut off by the fence, children shot a short distance
from where I stood and were left handicapped for life. This has
become part of the reality of my life. I am still shocked that a soldier
of my own age is capable of just pointing a gun at my head and
pulling the trigger, even though I was shouting 'Don't shoot, nobody
is endangering you here!'. Just because he got an order, something
like 'Teach them a lesson, don't let them demonstrate'. How can I
join such an army? The whole feeling of comfort which I had, of
security in the routine of daily life, is eroded and gone. The best
service I can do for our security - yes, also for our own security - is
to continue the struggle for human rights and liberty.



Hell - half an hour from here



A group op of Israeli and Palestinian activists tries to advance
towards the western side of the village, to the fence, near where
Matan Cohen was wounded. An army force comes by and stops
them. The Palestinians are angry, because it is their own lands, but
nevertheless seem about to move back.

Shai Carmeli-Pollak (37), film director and central anti-fence
activist, refuses to accept the army dictat. He calls the Army
Spokesman' office on his mobile phone, and explains at length that
he and his companions are in a completely kosher Palestinian
territory, that they do not seek a confrointation, and that it is the
soldiers who are breaking the law.

Soon Lieutant-Colonel Avi shows up who authorizes the
demonstrators to march another half a kilometre, albeit closely
accompanied by himself and his soldiers. Pollak seizes the
opportunity to talk to him and explain at length his opinions and
world view. "You look at the Palestinians from a completely military
angle. You are completely blind to the fact that you are facing
civilians" Pollak says.

The Colonel answers patiently. The two continue talking in front of
the astonished Palestinians, to whom such an eye-to-eye contact
with a military man is inconceivable. A few days later Pollak would
insist on conducting a no less profound talk with the soldiers at the
checkpoint who refuse passage to everybody except holders of a
journalist's card. Every Thursday evening, the area around the fence
construction site is declared a closed military zone, in an effort to
prevent the entry of Israeli activists. Pollak insists upon seeing the
order - "If you don't have a proper order, signed by an authorized
officer, you cant enforce a Closed Zone" he tells the soldiers. While
he is deep in debate with the army detachment, the other
demonstrators bypass the checkpoint on foot and continue on their
way through the fields.

In the demonstration, he addresses the soldiers who had firmed a
cordon blocking the protest procession from reaching the fence:
"You are being sent to protect illegal activities. You are not
protecting the country, you are protecting the interests of real estate
tycoons and building contractors. You have to understand that the
state of Israel has signed an intentional treaty which obliges an
occupying force to care for the occupied population. Even the
Supreme Court accepted some of our arguments".

Without shouting, but quite determined, he continues a long
conversation with the soldiers - a calm, non-confrontational
discussion, and explains to them where he thinks they have gone
wrong. When a soldier says "we are defending the border" Pollak
corrects him: "No, you are not. The border is not here, it is seven
kilometres behind you. You are given all these weapons not in order
to defend the border, it is to act as the villagers' prison guards, to
cage them in".

When a soldiers addresses him roughly, Pollak has no hesitation in
calling the Army Spokesman's office again, demanding that the
threatening soldiers be calmed down. He says that since starting
activities on the West Bank three years ago he had not stopped this
talking and discussing. "In the first two years I was very much
lecturing and preaching to them, I now realize I was insufferable. Of
course, when you see what is going on here you can become crazy
with anger. Now I try more to understand how the soldiers perceive
the situation. With more talking to them I realize their ignorance is
really astonishing. I suggest to them to talk to their commanding
officers, to ask for clarifications about why are they sent here and
what are they supposed to do, not just to follow orders blindly".

Until three years ago Pollak was far from being politically active.
True, he was leftist, but expressed it mainly through the ballot box.
He served as a conscript in a field unit of the Israeli Air Force,
studied cinema at Tel-Aviv University, and directed the drama
'Avramov'. He became deeply involved in Israeli televion, directing
especially humorous features such as "Zbeng"., and was elected
Chair of the TV Prorducers' Association. Three years ago he went
to Holland to visit his brother Yonathan Pollak (23), a prominent
anarchist active both against the fence and for Animal Rights. The
younger brother was then deeply involved in a wave of
anti-globalisation protests, and Pollak was impressed.

When he came back to Israel the Second Intifada was already
raging, but Pollak was still "caught up in the Rabin Peace Euphoria"
as he puts it. But there came the day - so he tries to explain what has
shaken up his life - when he realized he could no longer believe the
news broadcasts and the official claims that "there is nobody to talk
to". "I don't know why it did not happen before. It is a kind of
decision to grow up and not to believe blindly what they tell us. Or to
put it another way, I saw angry Palestinians and decided to believe
their anger."

His first active step was to go into the West Bank and join a group
which set out to bring food and medicines to villages under closure.
"I was confused" he reacalls." I was still new at this, I hardly knew
anybody. I remember near the settlement of Susya [in the South
Hebron Hills]] the police stopped us and forbade us to go on. The
people of Ta'ayush [Coexistence, a joint group of Palestinian and
Jewish activists] decided to just defy the police. It was the first time
in my life that I turned against the law, against what a policeman
told me to do and not to do. At that moment I was mainly angry at
the violation of my civil rights. But when I met the Palestinians and
saw under what conditions they had to live, I realized that that was
completely the wrong focus. How puny was my complaint at my
rights being infringed, compared with the brutal trampling over of
their most basic rights.

In the first year of being active he was going out about once in two
weeks, but since the anti-fence campaign started his involvement
sharply increasead to several times a week. Simultaneoulsy, he
continued producing "Zbeng" and various other TV programs. It
became a kind of schizophrenia. "It was so difficult to go back from
there to Tel-Aviv and change totally your mode of thinking. In
Tel-Aviv everybody walks carefree in the street and sits in cafes.
True, from time to time there is a suicide bombing in which people
are hit, and this is in everybody's subconsciousness. But over there,
the people don't have this luxury of just walking the street freely.
Suddenly, friends call you in the middle of the night, friends from a
village, and tell about the army coming in, about detentions, about
people being beaten up. half an hour from here it is Hell, and nobody
knows about it."

-Why not choose for your personal life, for your promising
professional future?

"When you are young you have a set of beliefs about the world, but
gradually reality catches up with you. In that stage most people just
resign themselves and say this is the way the world is and you can do
nothig about it. But I felt myself waking up from the brainwashing,
from being told all the time that we have no partner and there is
nobody to talk to. I am surrounded by people who search for
'spirituality' in all kinds of obscure sects and myths. I am not
interested in that at all. What I am doing now - in my view, that is a
real way of acquiring some spiritual merit."

The more he was drawn into demonstrations his Tel-aviv work
dwindled. Once a promising director, he had by now almost
completely disappeared from the TV scene. "What I was doing were
lightweight funny productions. Now, I can hardly conceive of such
things. I am still attracted to making films - but films which would
be part of what I am doing today, the struggle I am involved in."

-It is difficult to understand how a young person just gives up what
were his cherished dreams.

"I don't feel that I am giving up a promising life, not at all. Perhaps
for a short time I felt that way, when everything I saw was shaking
me up into a reality shock. Nowadays, I feel that my daily life
includes experiences which previously I could only see in fictional
adventure films. Dangerous moments with angry soldiers directing
their weapons at me, but also the sudden realization at the
checkpoint that suddenly I see the soldiers are willing to listen to me.
And the Palestinians who accept me, an Israeli, at their side. Alll this
is no less worthwhile than having a career and going abroad in the
wolrd. Anyway, I don't feel that my career has ended. I feel that it
has just turned in a different direction."

From his father, actor Yossi Pollak, he has gotten a small video
camera and started to document the event he participates in. At first,
it was just as private mementos. About a year ago he got a producer
to share the work, and is now in the process of editing for Channel 8
a film about the anti-fence struggle in Bil'in. His camera documents
damage to persons and property, meetings with human rights
activists, the building of the fence and the changes in its route, and
especially the behaviour of the army. When he and his brother were
beaten up and detained by the army, Pollak passed on the footage to
the Channel 1 News. The filmed testimony proved false the army
claims that it was the Pollak brothers who had assaulted the soldiers.

Pollak: "the camera helps set free Palestinian activists who faced
severe charges. There were cases when the judge expressed anger
with the army and police for having detained these people. When a
Palestinian is put on trial, it is him who must prove his innocence
much more than the prosecution needs to prove guilt. They can also
remain in pre-trial detention for long months. Video footage also
helps get events on the ground into media channels which often
don't bother to send their own crews. Sometimes we get to show the
general public at what price the security fence is being built, how
quick the army is in hurling tear gas grenades at 12-year old girls
who protest the theft of their families' land".

Pollak himself got beaten up with clubs to the head and body, and
schok grenades exploding near him. Also when he is not physically
near the fence he is permanently available on the phone:
coordinating with the action committees, asking about the situation
of his friends in various villages, volunteering to transport
international volunteers. With the Palestinians he speaks a far from
bad Arabic.

"I have changed totally in these years" he says. "If you have a
modicum of sensitivity, when you get to the West Bank and see the
situation there is no way you can remain what you were before. It
also effected me to become from a vegetarian into a vegan, not to
consume any animal products whatsoever.

What I saw also gave a deeper understanding of the animal food
industry. I took the decision to implement things which at first sight
look like an impossible fantasy. If I would now produce a film, I
would obviously choose a script about somebody who chooses to go
to the Territories and meet people, a kind of character resembling
myself, and make this the Good Guy in the film."

-These is something very naive about this. You live in the reality
which you chose for yourself and decide that you are the Good Guy.

"In our society, to do something just because it is a good deed, a
moral act, seems to people like an idiotic motive. The hype is ''what
do I do in order to succeed in life'. Many Israelis would have liked to
ameliorate the situation but are afraid to lose their privileged
positions. What is better than to be born into a privileged stratum,
not into the group where you are born to be construction workers
and street cleaners? The difference is that I can see this comfort as
the illusion it is, and I am determined to break down the division. I
just don't accept phrases like 'you are naive' and 'this is how the
world is' as legitimate. I don't accept that there can be immoral
solutions."

-Do you also feel hurt and outraged about the suicide bombings?

Of course. It is self-evident that I oppose murder and random killings
on both sides. Bu there is something very hypocritical about the
common attitude to suicide bombings. Life under occupation is life
under permanent terrorism. This is something people here are
unwilling or unable to understand this. They are fixed on
considering themselves as the victims. A man of my age in Israel is
born into a reality where his people is oocupying another people, and
that he has a role to fulfill in that occupation. I think everybody must
ask himself if he wants to go on doing it. They must understand that
they are living inside a bubble which will one day blow up in their
faces. When I go around the Territories and see how people live,
suicide bombings seem to me a logical outcome - notwithstanding
the fact that when I am walking the street in Tel-Aviv, I can become
the next victim just like everybody else.

The next stop is the home of 50-year old Wagee Burnet of Bil'in
Village. He and Pollak embrace warmly several times. Burnet, a
building contractor, had worked in Israel for thirty years. He speaks
fluent Hebrew and could have been mistaken for an inhabitant of a
Jerusalem Region moshav community. Two days after the Intifada
broke out, an army bullet hit Burnet's son, the eldest among ten
children. The son was crippled and consigned for the rest of his life
to an electric wheelchair, moving slowly through the cobbled alleys
of Bil'in. His father was automatically denied entry permit to israel
[on the authorities' theory that anybody who might have a motive for
revenge should be barred]. He had no choice but to go back to
raising vegetables and herding sheep. A short time ago he suffered a
heart attack, but continues to go to demonstrations.

"I know there is no symmetry between the two of us" says Pollak.
"What I am permitted and can do, he can't. Still, I feel that I am
getting from him much more than I can give. I look at him with a
never-ending astonishment. With all the terrible suffering he passed
through, he still has a joy of life, he still can greet us Israelis. We
have so much to learn from them, from their intimate knowledge of
the land. Instead of learning from the mistakes of the past, we
continue to confiscate lands and hold people as prisoners."

The achievements of Pollak and his friends are minute. They try to
get into the consciousness sof the public, but the public just does not
want to hear. The humanitarian help which they succeed in
delivering, collecting foodstuffs and vital products from the center of
the country to the villages, is far from answering all needs. The fence
is being built on and on, closing down upon more and more villages.
many activists have been eroded and burned out during the years,
and new ones took their place. Sometimes, only a handful of Israelis
arrive at the demonstrations, and they must divide themselves
among different villages.

"The achievements are very small" agrees Pollak. "Sometimes I get
up in the morning and tell myself 'I am tired, worn out, totally
broken down I won't go today'. But in the end I do go. I can't do
otherwise, especially when I know that only ten activists, or even
less, will be coming".

After two days of going to Bil'in and meetings with Palestinian
activists, Pollak really seems worn out, Still, he continues answering
his mobile phone which does not cease ringing. " As long as I am an
Israeli and I live here, I can't be at peace with myself if I don't do
something against the occupation. It might be that I will have to do
this for life, I hope I will always have the strength to carry
on".





Eleven criminal charges



At the entrance to Budrus Village Leila Mosinzon (31) pulls out a
big kerchief and covers her hair.

She hides her long hair, as the Palestinian women do. With the long
skirt over her jeans and the blue sweatshirt above, she could easily
be mistaken for a Palestinian girl. She says she is tying the mandil
over her hair in order to spare the village women the discomfort they
feel when some Israeli and international women demonstrators
arrive in the village wearing revealing clothes.

In the home of Sudkiya and Ahmed Abd-el-Rahim and their 15
children, at the village center, she is received with kisses and
embraces and immediately becomes a virtual member of the family.
In the inner courtyard of the poor house everybody crowds around
her, the children waiting impatiently their turn to come and kiss her.

For a moment it is difficult to recognize the determined activist who
throughout the car drive here spoke with such ideological ferocity
about the iniquities of the occupation. For a moment she drops down
the volume, asks questions and answers them delicately with a
shining happy face.

Mosinzon, like Pollak, was born at Jaffa, in a mixed Jewish-Arab
environment. Her mother is Mizrahi, originating from an Arab
country. her father is Ashkenazi [European], whose parents rejected
their daughter-in-law.

When she was eight years old she and her younger brother were
separated from their parental home and taken to live with their
grandparents. "I grew up in a racist home, my grandfather used to
say: ‘The only good Arab is a dead Arab.'

For years I suffered physically and mentally, we were forbidden to
see out biological parents. At the age of seventeen I ran away from
home together with my dog. I tried to tell my schoolteacher how
much I was suffering, she just did not believe me. It was just like
now, when I come back from the Territories and try to tell what I
saw and people don’t want to hear. They can't face the truth.

When I came the first time to a demonstration and the army started
shooting, I felt the helplessness of the Palestinians and it reminded
me of my own helplessness as a small girl. When I stand in front of
the soldiers' guns I tell myself that perhaps due to me being there
somebody else avoided being hurt, that is is a kind of tikkun
(redemption)."

She is active in the West Bank as a kind of independent activist. She
participates in the actions of most organized groups, but in a very
personal and emotional way.

After being conscripted she was assigned to serve as teacher in an
impoverished town in the north. Afterwards she went on a long trek
abroad, and on her return she worked at a lot of passing jobs, from
waitress at a restaurant to office cleaner.

Already then she was involved in actions for animals and
volunteered in Ta'ayush and Amnesty International. She says she
was a rather passive activist until the campaign at Yanun Village
three years ago. The settlers of Ithamar constantly threatened,
harassed and assaulted the tiny village's 25 families, until they finally
ran away in fear. She was among the activists who came to spend
the night in the Palestinians' homes until they felt safe enough to
come back and re-inhabit their village. She had spent there five
nights in all, and with one of the families she established a contact
which changed everything for her.

Mosinzon traveled to Germany to take part in a Peace Now
sponsored meeting between Israelis and Palestinians. From there
she went on to Japan at her own expense, to collect funds for a
Yanun family whose two daughters were born with handicapped
hands and needed a complicated and expensive treatment.

When the anti-fence demonstrations started she joined in. Since
then, in the past three years, she is only rarely working - finding a
passing job and remaining in it just long enough to finance food,
travelling expenses and a mobile phone. She has given up having an
apartment of her own, and is wandering between the homes of
friends in Jerusalem to those of Palestinian families in the villages,
especially the Budrus family which virtually adopted her.

She sold olive oil on behalf of Mes'ha families who could not leave
their village because of the army road-blocks, and passed the money
on to them. She organized children's summer camps in seven
Palestinian villages and got friends who are circus performers to
come and teach the children some of their tricks. She was beaten up,
hit directly by a gas grenade, detained ten times and ordered to keep
away from the fence and always came back. She got charged with
eleven criminal charges of "disorderly behaviour" and "assaulting
soldiers", and the prosecution insists upon sending her behind bars.

Next month she will probably start serving a three-month term
under a plea bargain. You can hardly ever find her calm or moderate.
She is beautiful, emotional, hot-headed, suspicious towards the
media and towards anybody who sees things differently.

"Of course I don’t want to go to prison, like I don’t want to
get shot at during demonstrations" she says. "Often, I am very afraid
in demonstrations because of the violence, but I know why I am
there. I am not willing to close my eyes like the Germans closed
their eyes in the Nazi period. I am not willing to stay silent when
people have to wait long at the checkpoint while I can pass freely".

She is not motivated by a very well-organized ideology, but by a
personal feeling of moral responsibility. She had also volunteered
and helped charity organizations collecting food for the poor inside
Israel.When she still tries to talk ideology, what comes out seems a
too concentrated mixture or various creeds: "Our society produces
violence and then solves it with another forest cut down and another
shopping center going up. The overdraft in the bank continues to
grow because we don’t love ourselves and therefore we must
consume more and more things which we don't really need. And we
don't care if the milk we drink comes from a cow who suffers hell in
an industrialized farm. What do we care about homeless people
sleeping in our streets? We have created an alienated society. I want
to break down that alienation, to cross the fences which surround
the human heart.".

Mosinzon came to know the Budrus family when she organized a
summer camp in the village. "They know I have nothing to give
them except to come and sit down with them and laugh together
with the children with whom I fell in love and who have opened
widely my heart. Visiting here returns me to myself, to my will, to
nature. They are happy that I am there, and this gives me the feeling
of a real family which I never had before.

In order to provide some economic help to the family Mosinzon got
together with a friend who works at an ecological farm. The two of
them organized a kind of workshop at the village, to let Israelis study
farming and ecological agriculture at a plot belonging to a relative of
the family. The Israeli pupils came seven times to Budrus, with each
of them paying 50 Shekels per lesson which were given to the family
and doing such work as removing stones from the plot.

At stormy periods she avoids visiting the family, for fear that her
presence would anger the army and cause them harm. Two years
ago, she tells, they got part of their land confiscated for the fence and
50 of their olive trees were uprooted. About a month ago Sudkia was
hurt by rubber bullets when soldiers came to arrest her brother.
"When Sudkiya was hurt I was on my way to a social event in
Jerusalem. When I heard it I started shaking in my whole body and
fell down unconscious. l decide that it might be more harmful when
I am not with them. I devote to them whatever I have to give.I love
them. They are close to the land, close to each other. I am here
because I adopted and was adopted by a family. Our contact is
without politics, and without either arrogance or guilt feeling."
================================================
* Yediot Aharonot is the most read daily of Israel -
more than 50% of Hebrew readers.
The article appeared in the "Shivah Yamim" (seven days)
weekend magazin.
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