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(en) Southern Africa: "Black Flag" interviews the Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Federation II. (2/2)

From Worker <a-infos-en@ainfos.ca>
Date Thu, 24 Mar 2005 14:29:55 +0100 (CET)


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15. What are the current political discussions are they having? How
do they differ from, say, those in the West? Are they linked to any
political parties?

* Recently there has been discussion as to whether or not the
Anti-Privatisation Forum in Johannesburg should participate in the
upcoming elections, as was suggested by the Trotskyist leadership.
Last year [2003]the APF held a four-day long elections workshop
with all its affiliates to debate the pros and cons of participation.
Initially certain people proposed to turn the APF into a political
party which would run in both National and Local elections, but as
one might have expected, this lead to internal bickering amongst
the Trot leadership as to whether or not it was the right time to
form a new "workers' party" and in the end it was decided - by them
- only to run in the provincial (Gauteng) election. This was opposed
outright by the anarchists and other libertarians present who argued
for a boycott of the election altogether (national and provincial) and
were able to attract a rather large amount of support from other
affiliates although the majority proposed a spoilt vote.
There are a lot of "political parties" involved, but all are
extra-parlimentary (many only because of their small support base,
not because of any principled oppositon to bourgeois political
forums). Som are African socialist, some Trotskyist, some even
tactically support the ANC (including the Trotskyist "Keep Left"!)
and others are unaligned working class community organisations,
whether progressive or conservative. Our social movements
probably differ from those in the global North in that our focus is on
how we combat the effects of living under neo-colonialism (rather
than how to prevent its export, though opposition to NEPAD is
growing in importance). Issues such as womens', environmental,
unionist and gay rights have so far not yet fully integrated with the
mainstream movements whose focus is largely anti-privatisation,
anti-neo-liberalism, anti-militarism, anti-repression and anti-debt -
and in favour of community control, freedom of speech and
association, radical land
redistribution, free water and lights and housing and farm
labourer's rights. But there are international links between, for
instance, the Landless People's Movement (LPM) and the Landless
Movement (MST) in Brazil, with which our Brazilian anarchist
comrades in the FAG for instance engage at grassroots level.

16. How does your organisation take part and influence these
movements and the unions? What role are anarchists and/or
anarchist ideas playing in them? Do your ideas find an audience?

* Members of our organisation participate in these movements on
the
ground in the form of direct action as well as arguing for anarchist
alternatives and ways of organising within the social movements.
Having previously had anarchists involved in the media committee
of the Anti-Privatisation Forum (APF), we have now abandoned
those positions in order to involve ourselves more with the base of
the movements, particularly in the towships and the inner cities.
This has to a certain extent decreased our "official" visibility
although anarchist principles are still being put forward both within
the communities from where the social movements draw their base
as well as when we participate in workshops organised for the social
movements. This has also resulted in accusations from the mostly
Trot leadership that we are not involved in struggles but simply
"parachute in" when it suits us. But we make no apolgies for not
being movement "leaders" and focusing our energies instead on our
own social projects: the ARN, our township community libraries
and food
gardens, and the syndicalist Workers' Council. The latter, a
Durban-based ZAG project, is our only direct organisational
engagment in the union environment, but other ZACF members
are also involved in the cleaning workers' struggle at Wits
University for instance, while others are fighting relatively lonely
battles in mainstream unions. Generally, we find that people respect
those who take initiative, work hard, stand by their promises and
fight for the rights of others. It is on this basis alone that we have
any audience at all. But it is a small audience standing against a
high tide of the neo-liberal attrition of worker rights, both blue- and
white-collar.

17. What have you learned from your participation in such struggles
and organisations?

* Clearly, the most important lesson is to put your muscle where
your mouth is. We have to be directly involved in all radical and
progressive grassroots movements. Secondly and encouragingly,
the appearance of self-described anarchist groups in the black
townships and squatter camps - initially totally without our input or
influence - is an exciting validation of the attractiveness of anarchist
ideas, even where no materials are available and no tradition exists!
Thirdly, that these anarchists who directly experience repression
and exploitation are themselves incredibly innovative, and have
devised forms of struggle, service and organisation (without any
prior knowledge) that are widely used and respected by anarchists,
libertarians and syndicalists across the world, a further validation of
the global movement's ethics, ideas and practices. Fourthly, that it
is out of these auto-convened anarchist organisations, built by and
for the poorest of the poor, that a genuinely fresh,
libertarian revolutionary movement will emerge. Lastly, we learned
to be aware of opportunists and people using the social movements
for their own ends (and to recognise that our own interactions could
lead to patronage and political control if we were not careful to
defend the autonomy of these groups). Oh, and of course, never
trust a Trot!

18. What aspect of anarchism have you found most useful in
practice?

* The most useful practical aspect of anarchism is its universal
appeal
to the hearts and minds of positive-thinking people, regardless of
their ethnic, political or cultural origins. our social projects are
deliberately non-sectarian, provided you play according to
libertarian principles, you can participate, and if you participate, you
benefit. The practical mutual aid displayed by these projects tackles
head-on, with vigour and enthusiasm one of the greatest plagues
afflicting the working class in SA: a sense of hopelessness and
dependency. The ethic of anarchism gives community members
purpose and class pride, showing them that they can achieve great
things - if only they listen, help, share and co-operate with their
neighbours. Finally, mutual aid is strengthened by egalitarian
decision-making that teaches people to be tough and flexible at the
same time. All this gives anarchism and our projects an appeal that
has even intrigued and delighted conservatives in the communities.
Our first garden & library project has aready been featured in a
Canadian
film on water rights in South Africa and has attracted a volunteer
youth group which helps out at weekends. The ability of anarchism
to transcend the ghetto/museum that anachists themselves have
kept it in for so long is inspiring!

19. Where in Africa is your influence particularly strong? How do
you spread the message?

* As an organisation we are only active in South Africa, which is
therefore obviously where our influence lies, concentrated in the
cities and townships of Johannesburg, Durban and Cape Town. We
have recently established contact and begun to develop a
relationship with comrades from the Swaziland Youth Congress
(SWAYOCO) who although influenced by Marxist/ Leninist ideas
(all they have been exposed to) are very interested in anarchism and
are keen to work together and learn more about our organisation
and our politics. In this case we spread the message through
travelling to the region to make direct contact with interested
comrades, giving them literature to read and engaging in political
discussion in an attempt to influence their struggles in an anarchist
direction i.e. pushing their pro-democracy struggle forward so that
they have more revolutionary aims than simply substituting a
monarchy with another form of government. Other than that, we
know our materials have proven
influential in establishing the Anti-Capitalist Convergence Kenya
(ACKK) and in initiating a group in Uganda. We have no ide what
influence we have in Zambia following the collapse of the AWSM,
with the AL in Nigeria, or with the leftist rebel forces in southern
Sudan who approached us for information about anarchism. We
have several propaganda avenues: our theoretical journal
"Zabalaza" (Struggle) is aimed at an activist readership, while the
ABC's "Black Alert" is the voice of its Anti-Repression Network
(ARN) and is aimed at a social movement readership; then there
are our ZB and BMC pamphlets which are both sold via the
Workers' Library & Museum in Johannesburg and available in
downloadable form for free over our Zabalaza website
(http://www.zabalaza.net) which is a propaganda tool in its own
right and boasts an interactive forum to which we encourage Black
Flag readers to contribute; then there is the anarchy_africa e-mail
discussion & news list which is open to all interested
people around the world; and finally our Red & Black Fora, which
are workshops for anarchists, and other libertarians. We obviously
have a presence on all major marches as well, and post news to the
autonomist-run Indymedia SA, but our best propaganda is still our
social projects like food gardens and community libraries.

20. Are the issues of Southern Africa similar to those in the rest of
the continent? What is the situation facing the continent in general?

* South Africa has a very specific condition that makes it distinct
from the rest of Africa. As the continent's most powerful economy,
it is also its most important sub-imperialist power, acting as a sort
of regional policeman and continental viceroyalty on behalf of
British imperialism. The distinction of the UK as our imperial
power is as important - and neglected - as the recognition that
Brazil is the sub-imperialist power in Latin America, operating on
behalf of US interests. Remember, even if the UK is junior to the
US, post-colonial Britain continues to dominate relations in
Anglophone Africa, which include four key regional economies:
Egypt in the north, Nigeria in the west, Kenya in the east and South
Africa in the south. The only other imperialist power that wields
quite as much influence in Africa is France, but France had only
one key regional economy, Algeria, and lost much control there
after "liberation", leaving it with the purely extractive raw material /
cheap
labour pools of the Francophone west. As the main continental
sub-imperialist power, post-apartheid SA has: pushed the
neo-liberal New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD);
restructured the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) as the
neo-liberal African Union (AU); invaded its neighbour Lesotho in
1998 to falsely "restore democracy" (ie: crush a pro-democratic
mutiny and claim it was a coup attempt); hugely expanded its own
multinationals like Anglo American into the interior, often as
buy-ins to privatisation; and advanced exploitation by, for instance,
enclosing huge areas of northern Mozambique by pushing peasants
off the land and settling white racist commercial farmers there. SA's
infrastructure, economy - and armed forces - make it a formidable
capitaladversary to the working classes of our neighbours north of
the Limpopo River. So the SA situation is intimately tied to being in
the sub-imperialist centre on the one hand - and on the other to
having a large
industrialised working class with a very recent insurrectionary
history. The class in SA also has an appreciation of the promises of
communist liberation fresh in its memory - while it stares down th>
barrel of ANC-driven neo-liberalism. Otherwise, the wars in central
Africa (DRC and southern Sudan in particular) are winding down,
while West African regions like Sierra Leone (where until destroyed
by the civil war, there was a 3 000-strong IWW section) and Liberia
continue to bleed. Still, the DRC "peace" deal has foolishly
endorsed rule-by-the-gun by simply recognising all combattants as
legitimate claimants to a slice of the pie. This, the continuing
attracting of plundering countries like Angola and the DRC of
diamond and oil wealth by foreign (and African) multinationals, and
the continued presence of interahamwe Hutu militia in the Great
Lakes region make it appear that central instability is likely to
continue for some time. And when the guns fall silent, there is still
class
rule, so no true peace. There is only one remaining colony -
Western Sahara, which remains under Moroccan occupation - so
the dynamics of national liberation are long faded. Essentially, we
all face the same neo-liberal enemy today, but many of our
neighbours do it without basic human rights, infrastructure, the
means of living beyond a Medieval average age of 40 - and without
any libertarian revolutionary tradition within living memory.

21. What links do you have with other libertarians? In Africa?
Worldwide?

* In Africa we have had intermittent contact with the Awareness
League in Nigeria although this is hard to maintain, as is the case
throughout the third world, due to the lack of access to
communication. We have also recently established contact with the
ACCK in Kenya and anarchists in Uganda as well as members of
the SWAYOCO in Swaziland. Internationally the ZACF is a
member of the International Libertarian Solidarity (ILS) network
and has links with other ILS affiliates across Latin America, North
America, Europe and the former USSR. Historically, our closest
international links have been with the Workers Solidarity
Movement (WSM) of Ireland, with the Swedish Workers Central
Organisation (SAC), with both the CNT-AIT, the CNT-Vignoles
and the Francophone Anarchist Federation in France and the CGT
in Spain. In recent years, closer ties have been established, often via
the ILS, with the Northeastern Federation of Anarcho-Communists
(NEFAC) of the USA/Canada, the Anarchist Communist
Federation (FdCA) in Italy, Rebel (Auca) of Argentina, the Gaucha
Anarchist Federation (FAG) and their associates in Brazil, Tinku
Youth of Bolivia, the Uruguayan Anarchist Federation (FAU) and
the CIPO-RFM of Mexico. We are in contact with the Cuban
Libertarian Movement in Exile (MLCE) in Mexico and in France,
with the Iranian underground and the Iraqi exile movement -and
with numerous other organisations - including ABCs - spanning
the globe from Costa Rica to New Zealand, from Chile to Russia.

22. What do you make of the discussions in overseas anarchist
groups?

* There is a clear growing maturity in the analysis and debate
emerging from the global anarchist movement. No longer do we
hear so much the old sub-cultural "smash the state" sloganeering.
In particular, we believe, must be commended the in-depth
analytical work of relatively new organisations in Latin America like
the CIPO-RFM of Mexico, the Gaucha Anarchist Federation
(FAG), Cabocla Anarchist Federation (FACA) and Insurrectionary
Anarchist Federation (FAI) of Brazil, Tinku Youth (TJ) of Bolivia
and the Libertarian Socialist Organisation (OSL) and Rebel (Auca)
of Argentina. Their reaction to the collapse of the IMF/World Bank
"golden boy" economy of Argentina in particular has been hugely
refreshing - probably because it is based on sound community
activism. Their bruising critique of the fake-left dream of Lula's
Brazil, Chavez' Venezuela and of course Castro's Cuba, allied to
their critique of the US-driven neo-liberal expansionism of the Free
Trade Agreement of the Americas
(ALCA), and their instigation of the Encounters of Latin American
Autonomous Popular Organisations (ELOPA) give us all cause for
hope, despite the death threats and petrol-bombs hurled at them. In
Eastern Europe, to all intents and purposes part of the global South,
the collaboration of groups like Autonomous Action (AD) of
Russia, Belarus, Ukraine, Kazakhstan and Armenia and others in
the "Abolishing the Borders from Below" network again is giving
rise to dynamic new voices speaking with experience of real
struggles. In Europe, that part of the International Libertarian
Solidarity (ILS) network located there (we are also a member) has
been breaking down sectarian barriers between anarchist
organisations. Notable is the establishment of the journal "Afrique
XXI", a French-language anarchist analytical magazine covering
Francophone Africa, as "Zabalaza" covers Anglophone Africa. In
North America, the example of the North-Eastern Federation of
Anarcho-Communists (NEFAC) has sparked
off a resurgence of regional anarchist organisations that are
tackling real issues like race, class, terrorism, the war industries,
organisational modes, workplace militancy etc. head-on and
unashamedly. We find NEFAC's "The Northeastern Anarchist" a
keen and relevant journal. As a global movement, our weakest links
seem to be in northern Africa and in Asia, but perhaps that is just a
problem of linguistic barriers because we keep hearing about
anarchist organisations in Iran, Iraq, Indonesia, the Philippines etc.

23. What do you think of the western anarchist movement? What
do you
think we can learn from each other?

* The first thing to recognise is the historical strength of the global
Southern anarchist movement. This is neatly introduced in Jason
Adams' "Non-Western Anarchisms: Rethinking the Global
Context" and will be dealt with in great detail in an upcoming BMC
book that we hope will totally rewrite anarchist history - and give it
the currency it deserves. To put it simply, the movement in
countries as diverse as Mexico and China, Brazil and Cuba,
Mozambique and Argentina, Chile and Uruguay was at one time far
more powerful than any other revolutionary tendency, putting
anarchist strength in Spain in the shade. The second thing to
recognise is that we need each other and can and must learn from
each other. Internationalism is not about having exotic posters on
the walls of one's meeting-place, but rather in having an ongoing
interaction on anarchist ideas and struggles across the globe. The
third thing to recognise is that the Western anarchist movement
comes with a lot of baggage that we
new Southern movements find arcane and foreign. This is
expecially true of the Anglophone movement, inheritors of a
crippling sense of defeat, chaos and ivory tower defesiveness that is
totally unustifiable in the light of the real post-1939 anarchist
history - and out of touch with the challenges posed by
neo-corporatism (neo-liberalism). That said, we are delighted to see
that the North is awaking from this sweaty bad dream and strarting
to locate its organisations at the very epicentre of anti-capitalist
struggle again.

24. As someone in an organisation from a so-called "developing"
region,
what do you make of the recent vogue of "primitivism" in the
anarchist movement in places like the United States?

* Anarchism is NOT a backward, primitivist ideology. And it is
most
expecially totally oposed to the neo-fascist and genocidal
implications of lunatic theories such as "deep ecology" and
"voluntary human extinction" that tend to grow out of this illusion
that if only we would return (or allow ourselves to be culled/bombed
back) to the stone age, all issues of dominance would be
automatically resolved. As we are sure you in the UK are aware, the
fraudulent logic of this line of neo-Malthusian thought lead to the
green fascism of the periodical "Green Anarchist" lauding the
sarum gas attacks on a Tokyo subway by a millennialist cult.
Anarchism developed out of the real, sometimes bitter, sometimes
glorious struggles of the industrial working class (and to a lesser
extent the peasantry), not out of the dreams of middle-class
opium-eaters who foster a forlorn hope of a return to a mythical
golden age. We are frankly disgusted that the right-wing
masturbation that is primitivism can be considered by any to be
anarchist in any way, shape or form. It is
frankly not only un-anarchist, but anti-anarchist.

25. Racism must be a point of concern for you. How would you say
your
approach differed from, say, anarchists in North America? Does the
different social set-up change mean a different analysis and
practice?

* The fault-line of racism (closely duplicated by class) is the
fundamental reality of South African life after three centuries of
white supremacist rule and deliberate under-development of the
ruled, whether indigenous, Asian, brown or black. This is an
inescapeable fact and one that has troubled, challenged and
enlightened our movement right from the start when we were
essentially two underground organisations in the dying days of
apartheid. In formulating our draft full constitution, which will
hopefully be adopted at our congress later this year, the
constitutional working group had a long debate over the very real
differences between those collectives of ours like the ZAG and its
Sowetan counterparts, the Shesha Action Group (SAG) and the
Black Action Group (BAG) on the one hand that were largely black
and township/locally based - and those like the BMC, the ABC and
ZB on the other hand that were largely white and
suburban/regionally based. The minority view was that these
should be recognised as "frontline" and "service" collectives,
respectively, a divide that would recognise the race/class divide so
as actively to confront it (usually by cross-membership of
collectives and cross-participation in projects like publishing, food
gardens etc). The majority view that won out was that to
underscore these divisions meant to tacitly retain them by
maintaining a "division of labour" between our collectives.
Whatever the ZACF congress finally decides, it is likely and
preferable, that the orientation of the ZACF of the future to these
compex questions will be determined more by those working class
people who have a direct experience of racism. We would say that
our overarching approach as revolutionaries is class struggle - but
that in the SA context this so closely replicates a struggle against
white supremacism that the two have to work in tandem, without
the class issue absorbing or downplaying the importance of race. As
a "multi-racial" organisation that
has deliberately united activists from divided backgrounds, our
main difference with the Western anarchist movement is that we do
not feel the need for separate organisations for people of colour. We
must say that we welcome the founding of ethnic organisations
such as the Anarchist People of Color (APOC) network in the US,
or the Popular Indigenous Council of Oaxaca - Ricardo Flores
Magon (CIPO-RFM) in Mexico - where such organising appears to
be crucial to establishing the validity of anarchism in marginalised
communities. But in a majority black region where we have for too
long been separated, racially-specific organisations would send out
totally the wrong signals to the oppressed classes. In future, the
ZACF may decide to establish a working group to deal specifically
with this issue, but to be honest, for the moment, with significant
black support, we are more concerned internally with the low level
of women's participation.

26. Your organisation is influenced by Platformism and
anarcho-syndicalism. Do you see an conflict between the two?
What attracts you to each of them? What do you reject in each
tradition?

* Firstly, it must be clearly understood what "platformism" is and
what it is not - then where it fits into the anarcho-syndicalist
approach to mass popular libertarian communist organisaton. There
is far too much confusion in anarchist ranks generated by a debate
that arose in response to the chaotic and ultimately ineffective
anarchist response to the Russian Revolution by most of those on
the ground at the time. The Platform was merely a re-statement (at
a time of confusion generated by the defeat of anarchism by
Bolshevism) of the fundamentals of anarchist mass organising that
had been established in the libertarian communist majority of the
First International and in the mainstream of the anarchist mass
movment ever since. It was not a novel invention by a bunch of
disgruntled Ukrainians, but a wake-up call for a return from chaotic
individualism to the mass organisation that had made the
movement a global force to be reckoned with in the first place. The
tradition to which the
"draft" platform (it was a discussion document, not a blueprint,
after all) recalled the movement was to an anarcho-syndicalism
infused with the anarcho-communist vision of a world without
bosses or borders (not even between field, factory or community),
for which it goes without saying, clear and firm principles and
directly-democratically-agreed collective practices were and remain
an absolute necessity. So let us be clear: "platformism" is NOT a
different type of anarchism, but merely as GP Maximoff pointed
out, a re-statement of the internal coherence required by anarchist
organisations in order to be the engine of working class revolution.
In other words, platformism IS an organisational form, NOT an
ideology. There is only one ideological type of anarchism, although
it is a broad tradition: international revolutionary class-struggle
anarchism, which embraces workplace, community, militia and
other organising. Anything else, any "personal liberation" theory, is
not only
sub-revolutionary, but non-anarchist. So to answer your question:
there is absolutely no conflict between anarcho-syndicalism and
platformism (although a union that is open to all workers may have
difficulty being entirely platformist, while with an anarchist
federation it should be easy). The conflict is between the genuine
mass anarchist tradition and the pale, atomistic liberal fakes that
masquerade as anarchist in much of the Anglophone world.

27. Do you draw upon any specifically Southern African ideas,
struggles
or movements today or in the past to inform your anarchism? If so,
what are they?

* Our current ZACF draft constitution locates us squarely within
not only the southern African revolutionary syndicalist and
anarcho-syndicalist tradition discussed already (the IWA and IWIU
especially), but within the anarchist (anti-)political tradition of the
Socialist Club (SC), founded in 1900 in South Africa by Henry
Glasse, of the Revolutionary League (LR) of Mozambique, founded
in the early 1900s by exiled Portuguese anarchist Jose Estevam,
and of the Industrial Socialist League (IndSL) of South Africa in the
period of the Russian Revolution. In later years, we recall the
syndicalism of the 1970s defined by activists like Rick Turner,
murdered in 1978 by what is believed to have been an apartheid
death-squad. Often today when talking to people who are not
familiar with anarchism we liken the anarchist principles of
horizontal self-management and co-operation to the tactics used by
the United Democratic Front of the popular insurrection of the late
1980s, which is well known
and was very successful in contributing to the fall of apartheid.
There is nothing specifically South African about the UDF but that
the tactics and strategy it adopted were proven through the struggle
to be the most effective, namely: rank-and-file workers' and
community councils, workers militias etc. all of which are anarchist
in principle although the people involved had probably never heard
of anarchism. Our inspiration in the present are the radical and
progressive social movements, where they follow on in that
libertarian tradition. Thus, domestically, our traditions are those of
revolutionary syndicalism, specific anarchist organisation, popular
insurrection and community control combined into a seamless
whole. It is important to note the reasoning behind our name:
Zabalaza means struggle; Anarchist Communist is not just our
political orientation, but taps into the respect that a true egalitarian
communist vision still commands in SA; and Federation for our
structural form.

28. Your Zabalaza Books webpage (www.zabalaza.net/) is a great
resource. Why did you decide to put so much energy into it? And
how popular is it?

* The site seems to be very popular amongst anarchists in the
global North/ West who have much better access to the Internet
than in Africa and we often get encouraging remarks both through
e-mail and in person when we meet comrades from abroad. But the
ZB pages and their associated links have also enabled us to reach
out to anarchists in Africa, Eastern Europe, the ex-USSR and
Australasia in particular. Why do we do it? "From each according to
their ability, to each according to their need."

29. What plans has your organisation got for the near future?

* Our immediate plans are to extend our community libraries and
food gardens into other parts of Soweto and Sebokeng (a township
further south of Soweto) and to strengthen our Workers' Council in
Durban. Next up is the holding of our first full congress at which
our full constitution will be adopted. We will invite all interested
anarchists in the region to our congress as observers, and plan to
invite other autonomists and libertarians on the second day for joint
discussions on how we engage with the radical and progressive
social movements. Congress will chart our way forward for the rest
of the year. We would also like to set up offices in both Durban and
Johannesburg, which are our main areas of activity, and we are
looking into buying photocopiers for both regions in order to be able
to increase our output of anarchist material and further their
circulation. A printing press would be ideal but this is out of our
reach financially. In addition we would like to put more focus on
translating anarchist literature into indigenous languages and we
would also like to try and get people from all the regions in southern
Africa that have an anarchist presence together at a "no-border"
camp, for possibly the first time in African history.

30. Finally, what message do you have for anarchists in the west?

* If there is a single message we could get across it would be this:
drop the liberal individualist baggage and get down to the real
nitty-gritty of anarchist organising in your workplaces and your
communities. Ignore the flakes who claim that organised anarchism
is an oxymoron. Let your actions be your propaganda because
people watch what you do more readily than they listen to what you
say. Class War: Just Do It! Oh, and if any of you have any old
printing presses to assist us with our anarchist printing project (to
which the Swedish SAC has already contributed funds), please
consider donating them to us.

a) post:
ZACF
Postnet Suite 153
Private Bag X42
Braamfontein, South Africa
2017

b) website:
http://www.zabalaza.net

c) e-mail:
ZACF International Secretary
blackdragon@africamail.com

ZACF: For an Internationalist Social Revolution by a Front of
Oppressed Classes!


[Text taken from ZACF Debate Forum
http://www.zabalaza.net/phorum/index.php]
===================================================
This is an interview done more than a year ago by the british anarchist
magazine "black flag" (issue 224), a magazine founded in 1968. a
few things have changed since the interview was done (joe & i are
now secretaries, no longer "acting" secretaries), but it remains valid
comment.
* * * * *
Black Flag interview questions: This interview was done collectively
by 2 Durban and 2 Johannesburg members of the ZACF over
December'03/January'04.


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