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(en) North America, Issue #1 The Perspectives of the NorthWest Anarchist Federation Breaking Free: Anarchist Pedagogy, Allan-Victoria Anarchists Collective

From Worker <a-infos-en@ainfos.ca>
Date Mon, 14 Mar 2005 10:03:52 +0100 (CET)

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Before I begin, I should say something about my own politics. I've
been involved in the anarchist movement for some time and have
participated in a wide range of anarchist educational projects. My
academic life and my political life run parallel to each other and
intersections are frequent. This essay is an instance of it.
Anarchist pedagogy breaks free from authoritarian modes of education
and the regulatory mechanisms of the state. It actualizes its politics by
functioning immanently, in the here-and-now. This is the sense in
which anarchist pedagogy is utopian. It is a gesture towards the future
akin to spraying a circle-A on a bank window before the bricks go in.
"In anarchist theory," writes Paul Goodman, "the word revolution
means the process by which the grip of authority is loosed, so that the
functions of life can regulate themselves, without top-down direction
and coordination. The idea is that, except for emergencies and a few
special cases, free functioning will find its own right structures and
coordination."1 Here we have the foundation of anarchist pedagogy: an
open, cooperative social structure.

Take, for example, the Survival Gathering held in Toronto, Canada in
July 1-4, 1988. [1] I was unable to attend this event, but I can draw on
extensive documentation, including first-hand accounts, to outline it's
key features. The first thing to note is that the Gathering was
decentralized, non-hierarchical, and social in the profoundest sense.
On the first day, a general meeting was held at the gathering's
"convergence centre" to make operational decisions concerning issues
such as media relations, food, housing, etc.2 This orientation process
introduced those unfamiliar with anarchism to the movement's
consensus method of decision-making (discussions continue until
collective agreement is reached or those opposed to the majority
position agree to suspend their objections). A schedule booklet was
also distributed outlining the purpose of the gathering. The booklet
included a map of the various downtown locations-the convergence
center, community halls, coffee houses, parks, and so on-where, for
the next two days, workshops would be held. At these workshops
topics such as capitalism, indigenous struggles, and
anarchist-feminism, were discussed with the help of facilitators, who
ensured no one voice was privileged over another.3 In addition to the
workshops, a Networking Day was scheduled for members of federated
organizations, including the Anarchist Black Cross and Animal
Liberation Front, to meet and discuss their respective projects.4
Throughout, at the gathering's convergence centre, groups set up
tables where journals, books, leaflets, and pamphlets were distributed.
Musical performances, an exhibition of anarchist posters, and poetry
readings rounded out the events.5

In short, those at the Survival Gathering experienced learning in all its
infinite variety. They not only attended, they organized. They not only
learned, they taught. Indeed, the conference itself was an instance of
education by example. It was an anti-capitalist social structure in
microcosm, providing free housing, entertainment, education, and
food by donation to everyone. But there was one more aspect to the
conference that merits mention.

A Day of Action (DOA) was scheduled for the last day of the event,
when participants planned a "general protest" against select "state
institutions [and] corporations."6 However the day before the
DOA-July 3, 1988-a US warship in the Persian Gulf shot down a
civilian Iranian aircraft, killing 290 people.7 Survival Gathering
participants decided to start their demonstration at the United States
Consulate, located on a main avenue in the downtown core. Despite a
heavy police presence they converged on the building the next
afternoon. From there they marched down the avenue covering
sidewalks, streets, and buildings with anti-capitalist graffiti. At a
Canadian war memorial Nazi and US flags were burned and then the
crowd "took to the streets, laughing and yelling, 'No War, No KKK,
No Fascist USA!'" The police attacked, people fought back, some
damage to targeted businesses ensued, and eventually the protestors
dispersed.8 "How much positive affect the DOA had is hard to say,"
wrote one participant; "In a sense it's much like any anarchist paper,
leaflet, book, etc. as it is in itself a criticism of the state, an attack
against it's institutions, a loud voice raised in protest."9
Considered from an educational standpoint, the DOA was a textbook
instance of parrhesia-the articulation of truths that threaten, hurt or
anger a more powerful opponent.10 This form of speech does not
attempt to convince: the purpose is to challenge.11 Those who take
such action do so because they believe that for society to change for
the better, truth-telling is necessary. "In parrhesia," writes Foucault,
"the speaker uses his freedom and chooses frankness instead of
persuasion, truth instead of falsehood or silence, the risk of death
instead of life and security, criticism instead of flattery, and moral duty
instead of self-interest and moral apathy."12 Similarly, anarchists
transformed Toronto streets into a forum for parrhesia by directly
challenging the legitimacy of the US killing-spree using every
means-speeches, flags, graffiti, chants, and rioting-at their disposal.
Which brings me to desire, and its role in anarchist pedagogy. In 1910
Emma Goldman wrote, "Anarchism stands for a social order based on
the free grouping of individuals for the purpose of producing real social
wealth; an order that will guarantee to every human being free access
to the earth and full enjoyment of the necessities of life, according to
individual desires, tastes, and inclinations."13 And more recently, in
The Education of Desire, Clifford Harper has observed "[anarchism]
promises and provides choice and autonomy, it demands
independence and responsibility, and at its heart lies subjectivity and
rebellion. . . . The only way to live is with these as the cornerstones of
day-to-day practice."14 "Disarm authority-arm your desires!"-that is
the ethos.15 Thus
anarchist pedagogy is more than confrontational: it is a pleasurable
activity in which self-realization develops hand-in-hand with social
A good illustration of this mode of learning is Ambience of a Future
City, an urban-focused project initiated by Kika Thorne and Adrian
Blackwell in 2001.
Ambience for a Future City was a collaborative exercise involving local
community groups in Toronto that are self-run, non-hierarchical, and
critical of capitalist urban development. In a series of meetings each
group discussed specific spaces in the city and how they could be
transformed along anti-capitalist, communitarian lines. Thorne and
Blackwell then created plans that represented these visions and put
them on display in the area concerned.16

The first group to be contacted was a self-run activist organization for
youth located in Regent Park, one of Canada's oldest public housing
developments. The Focus Media Arts Program, as it is officially called,
runs a community radio program called Catch da Flava and produces
an on-line newspaper of the same name (www.catchdaflava.com).
Their activities encompass photography, film making, and
journalism--all with a community-based, critical edge.
Catch da Flava chose their own office, located in the basement of a
Regent Park housing block, as their project. During two hours of taped
interviews they discussed their situation, moving from general issues
to specific ones. Thorne and Blackwell then developed a plan to
renovate the group's offices based on these ideas. They presented the
plan to the group and displayed it on a billboard located outside the
building. Inspired by the process, Catch de Flava went on to
substantially renovate their space.

The second group to be contacted were anarchists who lived in or near
Kensington Market, one of the most lively areas of the downtown.
Their focus was a Kensington parking lot located on a side street and
connected to a busier shopping street by an alleyway. Participants
imagined replacing the parking lot with a co-operatively run
communally-owned building that would provide a home for anarchist
projects and affordable housing. The building complex would feature a
publically-accessible court yard and walk-through between two streets.
Activist organizations, a bike shop, a film space and an area for people
to relax and enjoy themselves would be located on the ground level
while the upper stories would house apartments. [2] The project
addressed the need for a building that anarchists could call their own,
where they would be free to develop long-term projects without fear of
eviction at the whim of a landlord. Here a real, living
counter-community could be nurtured. Again, a billboard displaying
the plan was erected on site to show up the contrast between the
anarchists' vision and the present reality.

The third plan (and billboard) posited new uses for a former industrial
area--the "Portlands"-- along the Toronto waterfront. Toronto city
planners have long coveted this location as a potential site for Olympic
Games, so Thorne and Blackwell contacted Bread not Circuses, an
activist group which has played a pivotal role in mobilizing people to
oppose two civic Olympic bids in the 1990s.

Bread not Circuses proposed using already existing examples of social
land use to revitalize the Portlands. They imagined a combination of
public housing, sites where "communities of anti-capitalist resistance"
would be fostered, and an extensive commons of wild spaces.
Conversations focused on creating a matrix of possibilities for people
to "self-define their lives outside the constraints of private property,
without the constraints of bureaucratic organization."17

The Ambience project is compelling not only because it brought the
visions of three collectives into focus through a non-hierarchical
learning process, but also because in varying degrees these visions
dovetailed with anarchist values. Thorne and Blackwell did not seek
out capitalist developers to envisage schemes for maximizing profits.
They sought to nurture counter-cultures that are qualitatively different
from the existing system.18

Which is to say that anarchists would never confine pedagogy to
theoretical critiques in the halls of academe. Their pedagogy is always
already engaged because it fosters a state of tension between the
restrictions imposed by the forces of repression and anarchism's
libertarian aspirations.19 As David writes in the Black Bloc Papers,
". . . to find dignity and affirmation through the creation of an
alternative community despite the dominant opposition is truly
dynamic. Such limitations impel the human mind to expand its
cognitive ability, and in this consciousness is sharpened. Furthermore,
the limitations to its full actualization is the impetus to its destructive
aspect. It must necessarily seek the eradication of that opposing force
as the condition of its coming into full being. It is more than a decision
to organize in a particular manner. It is a revolutionary force."20
In sum, anarchist pedagogy fosters communities of learning that
mitigate against everything capitalized education stands for. And here I
can draw on personal experience. In the summer of 1998 I was living
in Toronto, where I attended an anarchist gathering called Active
Resistance (modeled on the 1988 Survival Gathering). Towards the
end of the event, I was asked if I would be interested in helping to
found a Free School.21 This project was an outgrowth of discussions
held during one of the gathering's workshops and seven people were
already committed to it.

And so we set to work. For over two months there were weekly
meetings during which we discussed everything from our name to
where we might hold classes. Early on we resolved to call the project
an Anarchist Free School (AFS) to make our politics explicit. This also
ensured people seeking to promote antithetical political beliefs (Nazis,
Marxists, etc.) under the umbrella of an "alternative" educational
organization wouldn't join us.

After settling on the name, we drew up a statement of purpose, an
operational structure, decided on the first round of courses and
engaged in publicity and outreach. By mid-September we were ready.
We blanketed the downtown with a flyer announcing the launch of the
AFS at an open meeting on October 4, 1998.22
The flyer listed courses offered, with times and locations. It also
contained an AFS identity statement and a short outline of "How We

Anarchist Free School
"The Anarchist Free School is a volunteer-run, autonomous collective
offering free courses, workshops, and lectures that cover a wide range
of topics. Education is a political act. By deepening our knowledge of
ourselves and the world around us, sharing skills, and exchanging
experiences in an egalitarian, non-hierarchical setting free of prejudice,
we challenge dis-empowering habits and broaden our awareness of
alternatives to the inequalities of capitalist society."
"The Free School is a counter-community dedicated to effecting social
change through the application of anarchist principles in every sphere
of life."

How We Operate
"Participation in the Free School is a commitment. The school's
'governing body' is a general meeting, open to all, which convenes
once a month. At this meeting problems and proposals are brought to
the attention of Free School participants, who arrive at solutions by
consensus. 'Participants' are those attending workshops/courses;
facilitators of workshops/courses; working committee members; and
people who, having served as participants in the past, continue to
support our efforts in some capacity."

"Day-to-day logistics at the School are dealt with by working
committees (answerable to the general meeting) which are
self-organized and run by consensus. Working committees keep the
School up and running by dealing with finances, time and venue
scheduling, publications, and other matters. Committees report every
month to the general meeting, where their needs and concerns are

I should add that the AFS really was free, a policy which ensured the
participation of low-income people who were intimately familiar with
capitalism's short-comings: impoverished activists, single mothers,
people living with AIDS, struggling university students, and so on.
Thus the AFS found it's natural constituency amongst the oppressed.
The first round of courses, which ran from October to mid-December,
included Intermediate Spanish Conversation; Wild Plants of Toronto;
The Conflict in Chiapas (Mexico); and Radical Parenting. In February,
courses were augmented by an Anarchist Free School Lecture Series
held at the University of Toronto. Attendance was good, and one of the
talks was published in Kick It Over magazine and later issued as a
pamphlet (Jim Campbell, The Vancouver 5: Armed Struggle in
Canada, 2002).23 By Fall, 1999, when I left Toronto, the AFS was
operating out of an Anarchist Free Space.24 The flyer for that fall [3]
suggests the dynamism of the project, which was now branching out
into film-making, book launches, and so on. The project folded in late
2000, but this was only a hiatus. In the summer of 2003 I attended one
of the founding meetings for Toronto's Anarchist U (AU), successor of
the AFS. A number of former AFS members lent their experience to
the project, which was launched that fall.

The AU has taken advantage of internet technology by posting a web
page--www.anarchistu.org--that is fully interactive, so members of the
AU collective can change their course postings as they wish. Anarchist
U operates on an all-volunteer basis, with no fees or infrastructure
costs to undermine accessibility. And, like it's predecessor, it offers a
wide range of courses; for example-- Chaos Theory; Queer History;
Art and Collaborative Processes; Politics Through the Media-providing
the subject does not violate anarchist principles.25
How many people have participated in these projects? I counted about
eighty at the opening of the AFS and hundreds more took part over the
next few years. By all accounts AU has been equally successful.26 In
fact, an anarchist structure encourages growth. The participatory
mandate lets any student become a teacher by proposing a course and
facilitating it. A class with twenty five students might nurture five
future teachers who might in turn draw in more students, and so on.
These are 'open' institutions.

An article published in the Toronto Star (October 21, 2003) reveals
other strengths. The author, Daphnie Gordon, discovered student life
at Anarchist U makes for quite a contrast with the hierarchy-ridden,
state-adjudicated, capitalized Canadian university system. She wrote:
"Sick of overcrowded university classes, boring lectures, high tuition
and less-than-spectacular grades? No problem. Now there's a school
in town run by educated volunteers who 'facilitate discussion' rather
than lecture, argue that grades create a negative learning environment,
and limit class sizes to about 25. Plus, the whole thing is free. Yep,

The structure of Anarchist U was sweeping away the impediments that
plague status-quo higher learning institutions to clear the ground for
combating a more generalized psychic oppression. In an interview with
Gordon, course facilitator Luis Jacob observed: " Our society strives
for hierarchy . It happens at work, in schools, even in some homes . . .
. [and] it leads to alienation. We all know what alienation feels like and
it's awful. In a sense, all of society suffers because everyone's potential
isn't realized in that system."28 In other words, the "normal" learning
experience from grade school to university is alienating because it
naturalizes the authoritarian values that repress the creative potential of
the majority by perpetuating social and material inequalities (cf. Terry
Everton, "Christian Angst"--"Hey Kids . . . Tell Us What You Learned
in School Today!")[4].29

The pedagogy at Anarchist U, on the other hand, was liberating
students and teachers alike. Once education was free and grading and
other assorted punitive measures (degree denial, etc.) were set aside,
people could learn without competing with each other or striving to
satisfy an authority figure in their midst. As one Anarchist U student
related, "I've been learning a lot. The people at Anarchist University
are there because they want to be there. They're there to learn and
everyone has something interesting to contribute."30
One might well wonder, then, how anarchists negotiate non-anarchist
learning environments. A few cases from the US are instructive.
In the winter semester of 2004 Professor Mark Seiss undertook an
anarchist pedagogical experiment at Fort Lewis State College in
Colorado.31 Working under the auspices of a General Studies course
option, he offered a class on Deconstructing Systems in the Pursuit of
Anarchy in which students learned the basics of anarchism and then
turned a critical eye on existing social systems.32 In the process, the
class decided, by consensus, to "deconstruct" Colorado's
post-secondary system. The students refused to allow five of their
papers to be selected randomly for final evaluation by the General
Education Council, which oversees the state-wide General Studies
curriculum on the basis that Council members were not qualified to
judge the worth of the course.33 The evaluators hadn't participated in
discussions or read the material and they certainly weren't as well
versed in the subject-matter as the students or professor Seiss. One
student related, "we learned all semester that we didn't need that kind
of patriarchal force overlooking everything in society, so why would we
let them overlook what we were doing in class?"34 In this instance,
anarchist pedagogy evoked an institutional crisis in Colorado which, as
of April 2004, had yet to be resolved.

In the fall of 2001, Katie Sierra [5], a fifteen year old high-school
student living in Sissonville, West Virginia began handing out flyers
promoting a planned anarchist club while wearing a t-shirt protesting
the recent US invasion of Afghanistan. Sierra's t-shirt read "When I
saw the dead and dying Afghani children on TV, I felt a newly
recovered sense of national security. God-bles.s America."35 The
Manifesto for the club read: "This anarchist club will not tolerate hate
or violence. It is our final goal to dispel myths about anarchism,
especially the belief that anarchy is chaos and destruction."36 Fifteen
to twenty students were already interested in joining, a zine was in the
works, and they had discussed forming a Food Not Bombs group
(FNB distributes free food to people in need).

Sierra was proposing self-managed learning with a circle A, learning
that would call the Bush administration's "war against terrorism" into
question and much more besides. Alarmed by her activities, the
principal of the high school suspended Sierra for three days and
forbade her from wearing political t-shirts or founding an anarchist
club on the grounds that she was "disrupting school activity."37
On the evening of the last day of her suspension, Sierra decided to
defend herself at a local Board of Education meeting, where her case
was being discussed. The response was less than welcoming. As
reported in the press, one board member shouted "This isn't
something funny or cute, you're talking about overthrowing the
government!" Another accused her of being a traitor, yelling "[its] like
you stood up and waved a Japanese flag on Pearl Harbor day." The
president of the school board asked, "What the hell is wrong with a kid
like that?" False statements at the meeting to the effect that Sierra was
wearing t-shirts that read "I hope Afghanistan wins" and "America
should burn" were published the next day in the local newspaper. This
set the stage for her return to school.

During her first week back students spat on her car and a group told
the school's Reserve Officer Training Cadet instructor (the US military
recruits directly from high schools through it's ROTC program) they
were going to subject Sierra to "West Virginia justice." In the face of
these and other threats Sierra was forced, for reasons of personal
safety, to transfer to another school. Subsequently, the district School
Board forbade her to return to her home institution. In 2002, aided by
the American Civil Liberties Union, she took her former school
principal and the Board of Education to court for violating her civil
rights. The jury ruled that the decision to disallow an anarchist club
was wrong but that the banning of her t-shirts was legal, as was the
suspension.38 Thus Sierra's attempt to introduce anarchism to her
high school met 'death by a thousand cuts' through a drawn-out
process of administrative and media harassment, vigilantism, and
legalized censorship.

Others don't even get their foot in the door. In 2004, the producers of
Big Tea Party (BTP), a Philadelphia-based cable TV program, were
denied the right to present a made-for-public school video entitled
"Green Tea Party" at the Pennsylvania Educational Technology Expo
Conference. They had been invited to participate in the conference by a
professor of education who was familiar with their success at reaching
inner-city children. The video in question was about kids "riding bikes,
visiting farms in search of better food choices, donating old cloths to
charities, and composting at home."39 However at a meeting of the
conference's organizing board, an official in the Pennsylvania
Department of Education raised BTP's promotion of anarchism on
their web site as a potentially "controversial" issue. After much debate,
a majority on the board voted to cancel the invitation.40

Incidents such as these underline that anarchist pedagogy embodies
values that are antithetical to the existing social system. These are not
frustrated attempts at reform, they are encounters on the terrain of
education between unreconcilable social forces. The anarchist
movement may not be powerful enough yet to overthrow educational
authoritarianism, but it is powerful enough to inspire revolts against it.
And each event gives rise to tensions that beg a larger question--what
do anarchist educators need to do to change society as a whole? I
would argue cultural-political autonomy is the key issue here. Just as
anarchists have created their own press, internet sites, communes,
book stores, and other co-operative ventures, so they need to create
their own educational institutions. In this way they will "realize (make
real) the moments and spaces in which freedom is not only possible
but actual."41 Liberate learning, and the rest will follow.

1. Paul Goodman, Drawing the Line: The Political Essays of Paul
Goodman Taylor Stoehr, ed. (New York: Free Life Editions, 1977),
215. 2. "Anarchist Survival Gathering: An Anarchist Unconvention,"
Endless Struggle 8 (1989), reprint, Only a Beginning: An Anarchist
Anthology Allan Antliff, ed. (Vancouver: Arsenal Pulp Press, 2004). 3.
Jean Weir, "Survival Gathering, Toronto, July 1-4, 1988," Insurrection
5 (1988), reprint, Only A Beginning. 4. "Anarchist Survival Gathering:
An Anarchist Unconvention," 286. 5. Allan Antliff, "Interview with
Rocky Dobey," October 25, 2002. 6. "Anarchist Survival Gathering: An
Anarchist Unconvention," 286. 7. Ibid. In 1987, when Saddam
Hussein's Iraq began losing it's war with Iran, the US deployed
warships in the Persian Gulf to back the Iraqis up. The downing of the
Iranian aircraft in 1988 was not the US's first act of war--it's forces had
sunk an Iranian ship the year before. See William Blum, Rogue State:
A Guide to the World's Only Superpower (Monroe, Maine: Common
Courage Press, 2000), 30. 8. "Anarchist Survival Gathering: An
Anarchist Unconvention." 9. Ibid. 10. Michel Foucault, Fear-Less
Speech (Los Angeles, CA: Semiotext(e)/Foreign Agents, 2001), 17.
11. Ibid. 12. Ibid., 20. 13. Emma Goldman, "Anarchism: What it
Really Stands For," Anarchism and Other Essays (New York: Dover
Press, 1969), 62. 14. Clifford Harper, The Education of Desire: The
Anarchist Graphics of Clifford Harper (London: Aldgate Press, 1984),
61. 15. I am quoting the subtitle of the North American magazine
Anarchy: A Journal of Desire, Armed. 16. Interview with Adrian
Blackwell, September 21, 2003. 17. Kika Thorne and Adrian
Blackwell, "Portlands People's Zone-A Toolbox of Possibilities," Fuse
36 no. 2 (2003): 14. 18. David, "The Emergence of the Black Bloc and
the Movement Towards Anarchism," The Black Bloc Papers compiled
by David and x of the Green Mountain Anarchist Collective
(Baltimore: Black Cover Editions, 2002), 37. 19. It is important to
underline that this tension arises from anarchism's aspirations and
carries the qualitative stamp of it's origins. For more on this issue, see
Alfredo Bonano, The Anarchist Tension (London: Elephant Editions,
1998). 20. David, "The Emergence of the Black Bloc and the
Movement Towards Anarchism," 36. 21. On Active Resistance, see
Only a Beginning. 22. Anarchist Free School (flyer) Toronto, 1998;
"Toronto Anarchist Free School Collection, Anarchist Archive,
University of Victoria. 23. Jim Campbell, The Vancouver 5: Armed
Struggle in Canada (Montreal: Solidarity, 2002); Anarchist Archive,
University of Victoria. 24. Jeff Shantz, "Anarchist Free Space," Only a
Beginning. 25. I am citing courses posted on the Anarchist U web site
www.anarchistu.org 26. The numbers related to the AFS are my
personal recollection. There is also documentation of participation in
the Toronto Anarchist Free School Collection. For information on the
AU, see Daphne Gordon, "Anarchy Enters the Classroom," Toronto
Star Tuesday, October 21, 2003, section C: 2. 27.Gordon, "Anarchy
Enters the Classroom": 2. 28. Terry Everton, "Hey Kids . . . Tell Us
What You Learned in School Today!", Anarchy: A Journal of Desire
Armed, #57 (Spring-Summer, 2004): 47-49. 30. Gordon, "Anarchy
Enters the Classroom": 2. 31. C.D. Durango, "Anarchy Class Refuses
to Hand Over Papers";
colorado.indymedia.org/feature/display/7513/index.php 32. Ibid. 33.
Ibid. 34. Ibid. 35. "Infoshop.org Interviews: Katie Sierra";
www.infoshop.org/interviews/katie_sierra.html 36. "Katie Sierra sued
her high school principal, Forrest Mann, for the right to start an
anarchy club and express her political views at school";
/news/topnews_content/insertbox_bg_bot.gif 37. Ibid. 38. Ibid. 39.
Elizabeth Fiend to Allan Antliff, February 18, 2004. 40. Elizabeth
Fiend to Allan Antliff, April 6, 2004. Elizabeth Fiend to Allan Antliff,
February 18, 2004. 41. Hakim Bey, T.A.Z.: The Temporary
Autonomous Zone, Ontological Anarchy, Poetic Terrorism (New
York: Autonomedia, 1991).

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