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(en) A&S Journal Draft Editorial and Frequently Asked Questions Now Online!]

From Worker <a-infos-en@ainfos.ca>
Date Sat, 29 Jan 2005 07:41:34 +0100 (CET)


________________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
News about and of interest to anarchists
http://ainfos.ca/ http://ainfos.ca/index24.html
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Dear friends, Autonomy and Solidarity is pleased to announce the launching of "Upping
the Anti" a new journal of theory and action devoted to engaging with
and contributing to debates and discussions taking place within
anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist, and anti-oppressive movements and
struggles. We have established a web page node off of the main portion
of our site to serve as a center for information about the journal and
where we will upload all articles to. http://auto_sol.tao.ca/node/view/1084
In this email message we give you some information about two new
articles we have posted to our website- the draft version of our
editorial, and a FAQ about the journal.


1. OUR DRAFT EDITORIAL:

Draft Editorial for "Upping the Anti" a Project of the Autonomy & Solidarity Network

Our name "Upping the Anti" refers to three interwoven tendencies
which have come to define much of the politics of today's radical left
in Canada: anti-capitalism, anti-oppression, and anti-imperialism.
These three political tendencies, while overlapping and incorporating
various contradictory elements, together represent the growth of a
radical politics in a space outside of the "party building" of the
sectarian left and the electoral dead end of social democracy. Despite
their limitations, the movements based on these
“anti†politics have been built out of a real
process and practice of social contestation and mobilization, and they
point towards ideas and activist practices which will have a significant
role in shaping the form and content of new revolutionary
movements born out of future cycles of struggle against exploitation
and oppression. The contributors to "Upping the Anti" have been a
part of these movements, and this journal is intended to provide a
space to address and discuss unresolved questions and dynamics
within these struggles in order to better learn from our collective
successes and failures.

ANTI-CAPITALISM, ANTI-OPPRESSION, ANTI-IMPERIALISM

Our involvement in and conception of these movements is based on
the politically formative moments of our generation, beginning with
the fall of Soviet Union, the first Gulf War, and the Oka crisis of
1991. In the decade following these events, an anti-corporate and
anti-neoliberal movement began to emerge in response to a renewed
capitalist ecomomic offensive implemented by all political parties at
every level of government. As the 1990s wore on, different kinds of
mobilizations against the cutbacks emerged from within the student
movement, the labour movement, and poor and oppressed
communities, and a definite anti-capitalist current began to take
shape. The first signs of the new anti-globalization movement and
the anti-capitalist tendencies within it were publicly manifested
during the 1997 APEC demos in Vancouver, and were confirmed by
the battles on the streets of Seattle during the November 1999
meeting of the World Trade Organization (WTO).

Over this same period of time, and in response to the sexism, racism,
and heterosexism of radical movements in the 1960s and 70s,
feminist, anti-racist and queer liberation movements developed an
analysis of power relations and domination both within and outside of
our movements. Growing from individual and small group
"consciousness raising" into a wider and more inclusive politics of
"anti-oppression", these perspectives sought to collectively address
different forms of oppression. As liberal aspects of identity politics
increasingly became co-opted by the state and capital in the guise of
multi-culturalism and identity politics, radical trends within these
movements continued to articulate a politic that combated capitalist,
(hetero)sexist, racist and neo-colonial domination. This political
tendency has been most pronounced in women's centers, campus
activist groupings, and in political formations of queers and people of
color. Anti-oppression politics became inter-twined with the
emerging anti-capitalist movement, and insisted that issues of
process and internal dynamics of oppression within our own
movements be as seriously considered as the outside structures and
institutions we were trying to change. Anti-oppression politics
provided a critique of the leadership of white and male dominated
movements, advocated a politics of representation within the
leadership of our movements, and argued that the political formations
of the privileged needed to learn from and work in solidarity with
those most affected by the processes of capitalist globalization and
imperialist domination.

The development of a pronounced anti-imperialist current within
radical organizing in Canada has been a more recent and less
prominent phenomena than that of the anti-oppression and
anti-capitalist movements. While it had always existed in small
pockets of activists working around specific issues, especially
indigenous struggles and solidarity projects with third world liberation
movements, the more recent manifestations of the dynamics of
imperialism and neo-colonial domination on the world stage have
been impossible to ignore, as the second Palestinian intifada erupted,
attacks on immigrants and refugees intensified in the wake of 9-11,
and the US invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq became the focus for
global protests. Within the Canadian context the struggle against
imperialism is evident in anti-colonial indigenous struggles at Sun
Peaks, Grassy Narrows, and Kanehsatake and in recent attempts by
formations like "Block the Empire", the June 30th Coalition, and the
Mobilization Against War and Occupation to point to the complicity
of Canadian capital and the state in wars and occupation at home and
abroad.

BEYOND CHEERLEADING: TOWARDS A CRITIQUE OF THE
“ANTI’Sâ€

The movements defined under the rubric of anti-capitalism,
anti-oppression, anti-imperialism represent the organic striving of
hundreds and indeed thousands of activists within the Canadian state
who are seeking to challenge the entirety of the system of state and
capital which dominates our lives. But despite the advances made by
these movements one of the most glaring problems that we are faced
with is the fact that our definitions and understandings of the systems
we are opposed to have often been limited to reactions against various
forms of injustice. We have rarely developed, much less popularized,
a systematic critique of these problems, and by and large most
theoretical development of these issues has remained at the level of
rhetoric.

Most times "anti-capitalism" is used as an empty phrase. It is a catch
word for being opposed to the entirety of the system, but very rarely
are those people using it and identifying with it able to explain exactly
what capitalism is, how it works, and what can possibly overturn it.
Our "anti-capitalism" is an article of faith without it being located in
any real tradition of anti-capitalist critique. Without an analysis that
gets beyond understanding capitalism as a static
“thing†that we oppose, we can't get beyond a
moralistic rejection of the “system.â€

When it comes to questions of anti-oppression, despite the liberatory
possibilities implicit in an anti oppressive analysis and practice, all too
often an understanding of oppression occurs outside a consideration
of the totality of social relations, and that once again patriarchy,
racism and homophobia, for example, are treated as static and
un-changing "things". The question remains: how do we understand
the relationship of class oppression and economic exploitation to
race, gender, and sexuality? While many activists doing
anti-oppression work are striving to make these connection in both
theory and practice, very different priorities emerge for movements
based upon the kinds of answers we come up with to address these
questions.

A similar dynamic occurs in the context of anti-imperialism. What
we consider to be the relationship of imperialism to capitalism can
determine a great deal about our movement's strategic orientation.
While discussions of “imperialism†in the
anti-globalization and anti-war movements is a welcome
development (and reflects a radicalization), too often
“anti-imperialism†stays at the level of grafting
revolutionary-sounding phrases onto the assumptions of liberal
anti-corporate populism and left-nationalism in ways that actually
undermine strategies of resistance. For instance, there is a definite
left nationalist camp within Canada that sees
“imperialism†as a phenomenon of US
domination, a different and separate enemy as opposed to capitalist
elites here in Canada or in Europe, which are considered somehow
more progressive, multilateral, or "humanitarian". More is at stake
when this perspective, as within the specific context of Canada,
serves to mask the continuing reality of colonial oppression faced by
Indigenous peoples, and the historic and still politically relevant
oppression of francophones, inside and outside Quebec.

A similar problem exists in our understanding of the forces directly
combating imperialism and and has major implications in terms of
how we consider our anti-war work, and the positions we take in
relationship to support for anti-imperialist movements. How, for
example, in opposing the occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq can we
concretely and effectively build solidarity while at the same time
organizing against the war at home? Do we support all forces
resisting US domination, even those that are reactionary religious
fundamentalists and that carry out tactics we reject? If so, how do we
do this in an effective manner and in keeping with our politics?

Because activists have largely only dealt with theoretical questions
like these as they relate to tactical issues of immediate concern, we
often become stuck in cycles of either rootlessly floating from issue to
issue or becoming engaged in activist (or NGO!) work that picks up
advocacy and support services rolled back in the neo-liberal offensive
(as is seen for example in radical immigration and refugee advocacy
and in work around women’s centres). This problem also
relates to the debate within these movements based on the tension
between "international" organizing vs. "local" organizing. Coherent
critiques have been made of “anti-globalization summit
hopping†and the current state of anti-war organizing has
exposed our inability to sustain long term movements capable of
drawing on any kind of popular support. At the same time, the quest
for meaningful kinds of "local" organizing has tended towards the
transformation of activists into “radical social
workers†as anti-capitalist organizing loses focus on its
strategic aims and tries to deal with immediate and tangible crises
created in peoples lives by the overall ruling class offensive. This
often takes the shape of us doing advocacy, casework, lobbying and
counseling in anti-poverty, anti-racist and feminist organizing. With
this trend naturally occurring due to the needs present in our
communities, the fact is that these stop gap measures and defensive
fights often don't allow us to put forward our own strategic vision of
how to go on the political offensive, while roles of support are often
over-represented by certain activists in our communities, reproducing
gendered and racialized roles within the movements.

DEBATE, DISCUSSION, CONSOLIDATION: THE NEED FOR
POLITICAL SPACES

With the relative absence of spaces within the movements of the
"three anti's" to make theoretical contributions as to how we can best
combat capitalism, imperialism, and various forms of oppression, this
has too often been left for others to define. Outside of the work of the
left-liberal media, the main places in which analytical and theoretical
contributions to understanding these issues are being made is in
academic institutions, left wing party formations and within personal
and informal networks of activists.

In academia the theoretical work that is being done is almost always
disconnected from actual struggles taking place. Written in a
language of specialists, such work is rarely aimed at making useful
interventions within the movements on whose behalf it is supposedly
being written. Generally speaking, right wing and corporate attacks
have been successful in greatly reducing the capacities of universities
to serve as useful spaces where the production of radical political
thought and action can take place. This could well change in the face
of future mass radicalizations, since universities have often been
flash-points of social conflagration, but the fact remains that most
"academic work" produced today is greatly lacking in terms of its
ability to usefully connect to radical movements.

Another place that has tried to produce and disseminate revolutionary
knowledge has been the far left socialist organization. The problem
here is that many of these groups remain stuck in trying to endlessly
repeat the "lessons" of revolutionary practice drawn from the
Bolshevik revolution, the congresses of the communist international,
or the works of this or that influential Marxist. While there are great
insights that can be drawn from these works and from all previous
revolutionary upheavals, these insights can only be realized by
placing them in their real context, and understanding how our own
situation does or does not makes these perspectives relevant. Real
revolutionary praxis must be willing to criticize past practices
ruthlessly and assimilate the lessons of past revolutionary movements
and theorists without becoming enslaved to their ghosts.
Unfortunately, today's "Marxist" left is most often stuck in the
defense of static party lines, deploying pre-packaged "revolutionary"
theory to assimilate new recruits with just enough politics to be able
to reproduce the organization. Each party remains the bastion of its
own brand of absolute revolutionary truth, and each has failed to
adequately grasp the new conditions with which we are faced, and
has by and large refused to grapple with and make the necessary
political innovations to assimilate the enriching critiques of Marxism
made by the feminist, anarchist, anti-racist, and queer movements.

The third space of theoretical production which we have identified
relates to that which is already happening at the local and informal
level within the anti-capitalist, anti-oppression and anti-imperialist
movements. All of us who are involved in the anti-globalization
movement, in organizing around indigenous struggles, in doing
Palestine solidarity work, in putting on anti-racism workshops, in
operating women’s centres and creating queer spaces, in
creating small anarchist collectives, info-shops and bookstores, are
all engaged in a process of theorizing and trying to learn the lessons
of past and present experience when we gather formally or
informally, to talk about what in our organizing has worked, and what
has failed. One challenge that faces us is how to create common
spaces for those of us dealing with similar problems and questions in
different cities and social circles. In the absence of a formal,
structured, and open political space of debate, most of these
discussions remain isolated within informal groups of friends and
informal networks sharing ideas at parties, in bars and in collective
houses. Political pronouncements come from the mouths of
prominent activists, often chosen for their visibility by the mass
media, and because so many of our organizing spaces are so
committed to immediate and specific campaigns that theoretical
reflection is discouraged and limited by the immediate necessity to
"do something".

The challenge that currently faces us is to get this much-needed
process of debate, discussion and resolution to happen outside of
small groups, personal networks and prominent individuals where it
is currently happening and to do it openly and transparently where it
can be critiqued and developed by all who have a stake in our
movements.

The growth of these three sets of politics represents a striving of a
new political generation towards some kind of revolutionary change.
While against "capitalism", "oppression", "imperialism", these
movements lack a conceptual and practical alternative to the system
that currently exists, as well as the strategies for getting there. While
these movements are not yet coming up with revolutionary answers
to the age old question of "what is to be done", they will eventually,
under the force of circumstance, be pressured to do so. For contrary
to ruling class ideologists, we have not reached the “end of
history." All of the evils of class society remain, and they are
intensifying in the form of ruling class offensives carried out under
the banners of "free trade", "neoliberalism", and the "war on
terrorism."

As gloomy as the situation may seem today with the global
weakening of the left, the retaining of state power by Bush and his
cronies, and the brutal military terror being daily wrought against the
people of Palestine, Iraq, Afghanistan, and Columbia, (to name just a
few examples) we believe the balance of forces will eventually shift
and new global movements will emerge. Already new sources of
counter power to capitalism and imperialism are developing in the
circulation of struggles between the anti-globalization and anti-war
movements, the example of the Zapatistas and other indigenous
movements, and the steadfastness and dignity of the resistance
against US and Israeli occupation. It is not at all unrealistic to expect
that in the coming years both resistance to global capitalism and the
contradictions within it could produce new openings for revolutionary
movements not seen since the last major upsurge of struggles in the
late 1960's. In such an upsurge the question of what kind of a system
we are fighting, what can replace it, and how we can do this without
creating a new and more repressive system in its place will become
questions of world historic importance.

We do not presume that we or others writing in this journal can
provide definitive answers to questions that can only be resolved by
the movements of millions of people in mobilizing to achieve their
own needs, desires, and struggles. What we are saying is that we
think that building spaces, however limited to begin with, in which to
discuss and to begin to formulate some preliminary answers to these
questions is absolutely vital to the continued development and
transformation of the anti-capitalist, anti-oppressive, and
anti-imperialist left in the Canadian state.

If we do not take on the responsibility of building many such spaces
to have these discussions around the theoretical questions of what it
is we are trying to achieve and what the best way is to do it, we will
continue to leave these questions to be defined and answered by
left-liberals, the social democratic reformists, disconnected
academics, trade union bureaucrats, and the vanguardist socialist left.

In this spirit, “Upping the Anti†will try to
address questions such as: What do we mean by terms like
oppression, capitalism, imperialism and revolution? How can we
build and connect anti-racist, feminist, queer, and anti-capitalist
movements and perspectives? What can we learn from the successes
and failures of anti-capitalist activists in the anti-war and
anti-globalization movements? How do we understand class
relations, and what social forces might give rise to real alternatives to
capitalism? How should anti-capitalist activists connect with working
class struggles both within and outside the labour movement? How
can revolutionaries organize in ways that maximize our effectiveness
but don’t replicate old pattern of elitism, domination and
sectarianism? What can we learn from different strands of marxist
and anarchist theory and practice as we grapple with these questions?

In the context of anti-revolutionary theory and ideology being
constantly produced by the mass media and apologists for the
capitalist system, and with the constant efforts of reformist leftist
groups to recuperate radical movements, our success in upping the
ante in the many-fronted attack against global patterns of oppression
and exploitation will depend on our ability to articulate our own
visions of transformative change on a local, inter-national and global
scale. "Upping the Anti" intends to be a space where we will attempt,
in small but important ways, to begin doing just that. We invite you
to join us in this attempt.


In solidarity and struggle,


The editors of "Upping the Anti"
For more information email uppingtheanti@gmail.comHE EUREKA
SERIES 2005-No. 2
<br>Q. What happened to the men that were acquitted of High
Treason? PART
D Timothy HAYES
<p>Timothy Hayes was a pivotal figure in the Ballarat Reform
League. He
was chairman of the important Bakery Hill meeting that was held on
the
29th November 1854. He was arrested about 100 metres from the
stockade
on the 3rd December 1854 and was acquittThe development of a
pronounced anti-imperialist current within radical organizing in
Canada has been a more recent and less prominent phenomena than
that of the anti-oppression and anti-capitalist movements. While it
had always existed in small pockets of activists working around
specific issues, especially indigenous struggles and solidarity projects
with third world liberation movements, the more recent
manifestations of the dynamics of imperialism and neo-colonial
domination on the world stage have been impossible to ignore, as the
second Palestinian intifada erupted, attacks on immigrants and
refugees intensified in the wake of 9-11, and the US invasion of
Afghanistan and Iraq became the focus for global protests. Within the
Canadian context the struggle against imperialism is evident in
anti-colonial indigenous struggles at Sun Peaks, Grassy Narrows,
and Kanehsatake and in recent attempts by formations like "Block
the Empire", the June 30th Coalition, and the Mobilization Against
War and Occupation to point to the complicity of Canadian capital
and the state in wars and occupation at home and abroad.

******************************
We welcome your comments and perspectives on the draft editorial. Feel
free to log into our site and to give us your comments about the
editorial, including what you think we got right and wrong...


2. FREQUENTLY ASKED QUESTIONS ABOUT THE JOURNAL PROJECT of Upping the Anti
Version 1.2

Our draft FAQ answers the following questions.

When is the deadline for the first issue?
What is the Editorial Committee?
What is the Advisory Board ?
What is the format of the journal?
Is there an editorial standpoint of the journal?
What kind of audience is the journal aimed at?
What is the relationship between the journal and the Autonomy &
Solidarity network?
How are articles submitted to the journal edited?
What kinds of articles is “Upping the Anti” looking to publish?
What are the different formats that articles come in?
How it is the journal funded?
Is there a style guides for the journal?
What are the responsibilities of the advisory board?

>>>>> When is the deadline for the first issue?

We are trying to have our first issue come out at the end of February
2005. This means that we need to get final versions of the articles by
the end of January. The process of editing articles will be undertaken
in early February, and absolutely final deadline for having an article
considered for publication is February 10th 2005.

What is the Editorial Committee?

The editorial committee is responsible for bottom-lining the
production of the journal. It is responsible for the content of the
journal (through the editing of articles and by determining editorial
policies) as well as by ensuring the financing, production and
distribution of the journal. The editorial committee works by
consensus. The editorial committee functions autonomously, and
may increase its size as it wishes by bringing new members to the
editorial committee and the advisory board. If an editor is not doing
their share of the work on the editorial committee, they may be
removed by the consensus of the other editors. The editors will have
ongoing check-ins over email, a weekly phone conference, and as
many face to face meetings as possible.

What is the Advisory Board ?

The advisory board provides advice and assistance to the editorial
committee. Articles submitted for publication are circulated to the
members of the advisory board who are encouraged to read and
comment on the articles. Wherever possible, specific individuals of
the advisory board are encouraged to take on specific tasks for the
publication (ie. Editing articles, handling subscriptions, distribution,
layout and design, mail outs, website design, cover art, proofreading
and copy editing, graphic searches, helping to organize a launch party
for the journal, etc.) which will be organized in conjunction with the
editorial committee. Members of the advisory board are expected to
assist in the distribution of the journal within their own networks and
locales.

What is the format of the journal?

The journal will be published three times a year (Winter, Summer,
and Fall). The publication will be put up on the A&S website and be
available as a PDF file to be printed out and distributed. We are
aiming for a size of about 60-100 pages per issue, laser copied and
professionally bound.

What kind of audience is the journal aimed at?

The journal is aimed at people who would already define themselves
as activists or oppositional to the current system. The level of writing
is somewhere between a radical magazine like Canadian Dimension
or Left Turn and that of a popular academic journal like Monthly
Review. The publication will have the look and feel of a journal, as
opposed to a magazine or newspaper, but we will make every effort to
avoid using overly specialist or academic jargon. Footnotes and
glossaries of words and terms will accompany those articles which
need them. We are intending the publication to be primarily directed
towards people that consider themselves to be active in the
movements and supportive of the politics that we have outlined in our
editorial. It is not our intention to make an entry-level publication for
people who are only just becoming politically radical, although it is
hoped that they too would find this publication useful. The primary
goal of the publication is to clarify and define the politics of those of
us already active on the anti-capitalist, anti-oppressive, and
anti-imperialist left.

Is there an editorial standpoint of the journal?

There is a jointly written editorial for every issue of the journal,
reflecting a commonly worked out position of the editors written with
the input and advice of the advisory board. In terms of the rest of the
publication, we want to encourage debate and discussion on the
radical left within the pages of this publication. That means that we
are very happy to have various rival points of view arguing and
debating about key issues within the same issue of the journal. We
will encourage our readers and writers to respond to the various
points made in the articles and interviews we print. Because there is
not a great culture of writing and publishing on the radical left in
English speaking Canada, we will often run the transcripts of
interviews with various activists who aren't able or willing to write
articles for us but whose point of view we think is important.

What is the relationship between the journal and the Autonomy &
Solidarity network?

The journal is the autonomous project of the editors who are
members of Autonomy & Solidarity. We adhere to the politics of
A&S about which more information can be found at
http://auto_sol.tao.ca/node/view/2 and are a project within the A&S
network. A&S does not exist to build a party and does not "recruit"
but seeks rather to set an example through our own activity of how to
organize in radical and effective ways. The articles and editorials
published in the journal reflect the political perspectives and priorities
of members of the editorial board and while input on the articles
comes from a wide cross section of activists on the
journal’s advisory board, the journal does not speak for all
A&S members.

How are articles submitted to the journal edited?

The process for editing an article for the journal is as follows.

1.) Articles are submitted to the editorial committee who determine
the suitability of the article for the journal. If the article is suitable for
publication but still needs a lot of work, the editorial board will
contact the author and explain what needs to be done to improve the
article. If the article is not suitable for publication, the editorial
committee will promptly contact the author and inform them of this
fact.

2.) Once an article is determined as suitable for publication and is
ready for editing, the editorial committee will email the article to the
advisory board email list for reading and comment. In consultation
with the advisory board, the editorial committee will determine a
member of the advisory board or editorial committee to be the
primary editor for the article.

3.) The primary editor of the article is encouraged to take the
feedback and comments of the advisory board into consideration
when editing the article and working with the writer.

4.) Once the primary editor and the writer have gone over the article
together and come up with a final version, the primary editor sends
this version of the article back to the editorial board.

5.) The editorial board reads over the article, and if it deems that any
further changes to the article are needed it will contact both the writer
and the primary editor outlining the further changes the editors
recommend. All final version of the articles published in the journal
must be cleared with their writers and the editorial committee. Final
version of the article are printed out and sent to copy editors who will
make final grammatical, spelling and technical changes as well as
any last minute fact checking that is necessary. Every article will be
proof read by at least three different copy editors drawn from the
ranks of the advisory board.

6.) Final proofread articles will be uploaded to the A&S website where
they will be posted under the journal section of the site. They will also
be sent to the production manager of the journal who will organize
the layout and design of the print version of the journal in
conjunction with the editorial committee. The final copies of the print
journal will be proof read again and then sent to the printer, and then
distributed by the circulation manager of the journal. (The production
manager and the circulation manager are designated by the editorial
committee and will be members of the advisory board.)

What kinds of articles is “Upping the Antiâ€
looking to publish?

We are interested in publishing articles discussing and critiquing
various aspects of revolutionary politics concerning the various
anti-capitalist, anti-oppressive, and anti-imperialist practices and
politics occurring within the Canadian state today. In our first
editorial we outlined the general purposes of the journal, and
identified a number of questions and issues we are interested in
further examining and discussing in journal. The journal will begin
by addressing these questions and building on them. Future issues of
the journal make a common the larger variety of questions. For the
time being, we encourage articles that relate to the specific issues
that we raised in the editorial.

What are the different formats that articles come in?

Broadly speaking there are five different types of articles that we are
running. The first is the stand alone article, (SAA) which consists of
a substantial 2000 to 5000 word essay on a given topic or issue. The
second is the email questionnaire interview format (EQ) which
consists of asking several people to respond to a series of questions
over email. We are thinking that this would usually be between four
and six questions, with each answer by each person being about 300
to 500 words. The various answers are then arranged together so that
the answers to each question are presented together. The third format
is a recorded interview transcript, (RIT) which consists of the text of
a interview that we've done with somebody who has something
interesting to say. These interviews run from between 2000 to 7500
words. There will be a short introduction at the beginning of the
interview, and the interviewers are encouraged to write a short
commentary piece on the topics covered in the interview. Fourthly,
there is the debate forum format (DF) where the initiator of the
debate writes a piece which outlines some of the questions and
problematics to be discussed, in between 2000 and 3500 words, and
where several other people respond in articles of similar word lengths.
Finally we have an editorial / administrative format where we print
editorials, documents, or other statements of opinion at varying
lengths.

How it is the journal funded?

Nobody working on editing, producing or writing for the journal is
being paid. Should we develop the financial ability, we will start
paying writers a token amount for their articles. While all articles will
be posted to a special section of the Autonomy and Solidarity web site
dealing with the journal, it will still cost us several hundred dollars to
print and professionally bind the hard copies of the journal. This is
our financial priority. All funding for the journal is coming from
individuals who are connected to the project, and if you can help us
financially, we would greatly appreciate it.

Is there a style guides for the journal?

We are in the process of developing a style guide, but as of yet we do
not have anything formally decided. This should be coming in the
next several weeks.

What are the responsibilities of the advisory board?

The current members of the advisory board, some 30 people on a
common e-mail list, are in the process of becoming an advisory
board. The process of determining the actual, active make up of the
board can only be defined by the board’s own participation
in working together on a concrete project. Members of the advisory
board are expected to introduce themselves to the email list (this
need be only a paragraph or two). Members of the advisory board are
also expected to provide their input regarding the various articles and
call outs sent over the advisory board list. In addition to becoming
primary editors for the articles that they are interested in working on,
a member of the advisory board can also help with copy editing, work
during the production of the journal, Web site development, the
distribution of physical copies of the journal, as well in writing
articles, call outs, editorial policy, etc. If over the course of several
months of work on the journal, a member of the advisory board has
made no input to the project on any of these levels, they may be
asked to vacate their position so that we may invite other people to
the advisory board who would have more time or energy to contribute
to the project.


3. CONTACT US

If you are interesting in contributing to the journal, we invite you to
contact the editorial committee with your ideas. We invite book reviews,
critiques, essays, opinion pieces and interviews. The final deadline for
contributions to the first issue of the journal is FEBRUAY 10th, 2005.
You can help us by:
- Assisting us with editing and proofing.
- Working with us in doing graphic design and layout.
- Distributing the journal in your community.
- Helping us cover the financial costs of printing and distribution.
- Being on the advisory committee.

To receive updates about the project or to get involved with the journal
project, please email us at: uppingtheanti@gmail.com.
============================================
* A&S - Autonomy & Solidarity is an anticapitalist antiauthoritarian
revolutionary network in Canada.


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