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(en) Italy, An anarchist communist strategy for the globalisation movements - FdCA - Motion on MOVEMENTS & LOCAL WORK

Date Sat, 20 Aug 2005 13:45:25 +0300

This is a translation of a Tactical paper adopted at the 6th National Congress of
the FdCA which outlines an analysis of the globalisation movement, its strenghts
and weaknesses and how anarchist communists should interact with it.
(approved at the 6th Congress of the FdCA - Cremona, 20 June 2004)
"for another achievable society, a libertarian society of solidarity,
spreading the social struggles, acting in an anti-authoritarian way"
1. The 21st century opens with the appearance on the scene of a new social movement
which is in the frontline of the struggles on an international level. This movement
presents itself at every occasion when the institutions of international capitalism
meet to decide the future for billions of people.

Millions of women and men all over the planet recognize that they
are linked by collective interests and the same slavery, forced into
this recognition by the growing acuteness of the contradictions of a
capitalism which knows no nation (increasing concentrations of
capital with the consequent impoverishment of large areas of the
planet, exploitation and plundering of resources, economic
enslavement and deportation of the workforce, privatisation and
commercialisation of the most basic social and personal rights,
leading to the economic and social collapse of entire regions).

2. This movement is characterized by:

* its worldwide scale of intervention, which can be developed into
an internationalist consciousness,
* an awareness of the need to frame the various interests within a
single front of resistance to liberalism,
* a notable capacity for self-organization and mobilization,
* an attempt to reconcile the different political choices of struggles
(i.e. simple ethics and solidarity on the one hand and radical
opposition to the capitalist system on the other), in order to allow
room for all positions within a horizontal dimension,
* the ability to intervene even on a local and national level,
activating a mechanism of social participation in the community,
which crosses all sectors, producing interesting examples of
convergence on specific campaigns and battles.

These characteristics have led class-struggle anarchism throughout
the world and in Italy to participate actively in this movement with
the aim of radicalising it on anti-capitalist and anti-authoritarian

3. Over the years, the anti-globalization movement has demonstrated
certain limitations:

it has believed that it can oppose capitalism on its own, thereby
marginalizing the workers' movement, the historical enemy of
international capitalism, and forgetting the class struggle in favour of
an ethical, abstract conception of social justice;

* it has considered the institutions of capitalism (the WTO, IMF,
etc.) and of the State as being capable of reform and change;
* it has legitimised forms of delegation and protagonism, and
bureaucratised representativity at the cost of internal dialectics,
thereby prejudicing the already difficult path of uniting the struggles
and interests;
* having opted for a policy of compatibility with capitalism, a large
part of the movement has given preference to bourgeois forms of
political representation in place of self-organization, while another
sector of the movement chose the spectacle of clashes, simply for
the sake of them.

In Italy, the induced birth of the social forums suffocated the vitality
of the debate between the different sectors of the movement which
only served to benefit the various political bureaucracies, and led to
the development of a new leading class which benefited the political
and clerical bureaucracies.

4. With regard to the tragic question of war, the movement
apparently showed that despite its internal divisions, it could rise
from the ashes through several highly-visible events, though it was
unable to regain the richness of action and ideas that characterized
its early phase.

5. The international libertarian movement appeared as a credible
voice, with its specifically libertarian mass events on the fringes of
large events which were gradually strangled by the international
social-democratic bureaucracy of a movement which by now seems
to be well-established.

6. It is therefore necessary to engage in debate and elaboration, even
on the occasion of united events, where we can clearly demonstrate
the sterility of the present state of affairs and promote an alternative
which is characterized not only by equality and solidarity but which
is also self-managed and revolutionary.

7. This will involve guaranteeing autonomous spaces for the
self-managed, libertarian movement, regaining its historical practice
of participation in the mass struggles and in the creation of a mass
sense of opposition. We must ensure that the media myth of the
stereotypical anarchist (which suits so many agendas) is destroyed. It
is an image which sees in anarchism only individualism and
spontaneism, something which unfortunately is promoted even
within our own movement.

8. We must continue to make the most of and bring to the attention
of the masses our libertarian ideas and analysis, increase the
exchange of material at international level and re-launch the
libertarian alternative on a worldwide scale as a practical, intelligent
and practised alternative.

9. Locally, we must build and participate in debate and struggle on
the single issues relevant to local situations, social spaces, the
extension of real rights of citizenship for all and consumption,
assuming that they come from grassroots demands and demands for
emancipation and - once all the contradictions, the power relations,
the institutional tendencies and hidden deals inside and outside them
have been unmasked - bring them back onto the path of real
struggles where class interests can once more find their unity.

10. We must go on a cultural offensive, using it as an instrument of
individual and collective liberation, particularly with regard to the
issues of secularism and individual liberties, including the freedom
of and from religion and against ideological obscurantism from every
source and the consequent loss of cultural flexibility.

11. The FdCA's political initiatives within the movements must be
aimed at promoting the self-management of the struggles and at
fighting for organizational forms, forms of protest and forms of
decision making which allow for the active involvement of those in

* we must develop struggles in the community using forms of
mobilization and mass organization without being elitist or sectarian;
* we must help to make the struggles and the social opposition
more visible through public demonstrations, while avoiding any
delegated agreements with political elites, be they old or new;
* we must build and ensure the functioning of action committees
which operate on a mandate and with the consent of assemblies
rather than delegate all the responsibility to small groups of leaders;
* we must build and ensure the functioning of decentralized
coalitions which allow for the greatest possible level of grassroots
* we must develop the capacity to organize, promoting horizontal
links between groups and ensuring that information reaches the
* we must promote struggles and demands which are clearly
anti-capitalist and which can reveal the class nature of the economic
and political institutions in the community.

Approved by the 6th Congress
Cremona, 20th June 2004

FdCA English language web page
Translation of a FdCA Tactical paper from their 2004 Congress

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