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(en) Italy, Federazione dei Comunisti Anarchici (FdCA) On the Transitional Period - Basic Strategy Document II, (2/2)

Date Thu, 04 Aug 2005 08:43:04 +0300


On the military question
Once the transition has begun, while the work of social construction
becomes urgent, there will still exist separately the mass
organization and the specific anarchist communist organization.
From the point of view of enemies, there are various possibilities:
* enemies of the specific organization, of its propaganda, its
action within the mass organization, etc.;
* enemies of the new social construction set in motion by
the mass organization (internal and external enemies).
This would seem to be an objective fact, demonstrated by history.

The specific organization continues to carry out its specific
task for an unforeseeable length of time. The problem of
defence therefore hinges on the following points:

1. defence of the structures of the anarchist communist
organization so that it can survive as a political organization;
2. defence of the structures of the mass organization, without
which the revolutionary social construction itself would
collapse;
3. defence of the work and achievements of the mass
organization, or rather, defence of the revolutionary society
itself.

As far as Point 1 is concerned, it should be clarified that:

* in the transitional period, apart from the political defence
of the specific organization, it will also be necessary to defend
it militarily, for the same reasons;
* the function of the military defence of the specific
organization is a technical function of coordinating militants in
order to ensure the maximum effectiveness of the military
action.

That being the case, the possibility that may arise for political
deviations within the defence apparatus are closely linked to its
technical organization and to possibilities of regression in the
specific organization.

As far as Point 2 and Point 3 are concerned, this is a specific
task of the mass organization's military apparatus, whose aim
is to defend the work and development of the revolutionary
libertarian proletariat.

This apparatus must be responsible to the normal
decision-making structures of the mass organization,
unquestioningly tied to its libertarian principles. Here too,
within the military apparatus, there is the risk of separation and
assumption of the direction of the mass organization.

One specific problem of this defence regards the possibility
that, in various zones, there will always be some people who,
despite not being regular members of the mass organization,
decide to offer their military services for the defence of the
social revolution. This will be a widespread phenomenon as
the mass organization in this period will grow rapidly. But in
order that it and its military apparatus grow correctly, two
factors must be considered crucial:

1. firmness of libertarian principles in the control and
running of the revolutionary army;
2. great elasticity in structures for the recruitment of new
forces and in the coordination of combat units in the various
zones.

These points are vital.

There then arise problems in the military relations between
anarchist communist militants and militants of the mass
organization:

1. The anarchist communist militants are natural members
of the mass organization and must act as such in the military
structures of the mass organization, with a particularly
intransigent defence of libertarian principles and in the solution
of all practical problems connected thereto. However, they
must never use their specific forces for actions which are
contrary to and autonomous of the united forces, other than for
the pure and simple defence of the existence (and never for the
political line) of the specific organization itself.
2. Can the specific organization launch a military
mobilization against large political enemies (formation of
proletarian dictatorships, new police forces, etc.)?

If the anarchist communist organization believes that political
enemies of the entire revolution are being formed, even before
an immediate and clear danger to the construction work of the
mass organization can be seen, then it can and it must do
something! If these dangerous enemies are not merely
obstacles to the pure and straightforward existence of the
specific organization, then the organized militants must be able
to elicit a military response which goes beyond simple "internal
policing" by their organization.

In that case, the specific organization can and must propose an
alliance with all the other anarchist communist organizations
and militants and with the mass organizations. Everyone will
be free to join the initiative or not.

If they do, the united military coordination must be strictly
based on precise, strict lines, directing the military action in
precise and united political ways with a precise aim (the defeat
of the dictatorship, etc.) and nothing else.

If they do not, the specific organization must make a careful
decision: either not to mobilize or to take the initiative itself as
specific organization.

Attacking authoritarian State and police structures is not, in
any event, harmful to the mass organization's autonomy. The
anarchist communist organization must encourage the masses
to fight these political enemies and accept a programme and
military structure suggested by the specific organization itself.
If the cause is right and necessary, even those mass
organizations and anarchist militants from other tendencies
who were initially undecided will join in (in that case we must,
as soon as possible, aim for a united and equally-representative
military coordination between all the participating forces,
though always with the condition of libertarian communist
programmes and structures).

We will never tire of repeating that this type of military struggle
will last until such times as its precise goal has been reached
and is conducted with libertarian military structures.



The task of the mass organization

One of the tasks of the specific organization before the
transitional period is to "remind" libertarians who are part of
the mass organization that the final goal of the class struggle is
the revolution. Once this arrives, the mass organization must
be able to transform its functions from one day to the next.
From being an organ of economic struggle against the
capitalists, it must become an organ for the coordination of
production and distribution for the socialists.

This will be possible thanks to the fact that the libertarian
organizational structure of the mass organization is not by its
nature linked to any precise function, but as it is based on the
principle of self-determination of its politics and practice, it
only needs the conscious will of its members to transform the
mass organization from being a labour union within the
capitalist system into a basic structure for production and
distribution in the socialist system.

This means expropriation and, at the same time,
re-appropriation of the means of production.

On the first day of the revolution, this method will lead to the
socialist society producing the same goods that were produced
in the capitalist society.

The difference will be above all in the distribution industry, as
it will be this which will immediately have to apply a principle
(to each according to their needs) which is the exact opposite
of the one which existed prior to that point (to each according
to their economic ability).

It will then be the turn of every productive unit to pose itself
the question both of the reduction of work and of the
re-conversion of industry in a way that the principle "from each
according to their ability" can be applied.

Self-management of the planning, production and distribution
of goods will be carried out through the decision-making
channels of the mass organization, so that in time the whole
society can adapt itself to its own needs. However, one thing
that must be immediately introduced is self-management,
because no-one must be allowed even the slightest power to
make decisions as it could result in some form of management
power.

In order to achieve this aim, the mass organization will have to
taken on, with great clarity and ability, all the decision-making
tasks of society and it will have to defend itself, even more so
as the political and military battle will be fierce, due to both
attacks on the autonomy of the mass bodies and the struggle
between specific organizations.

Naturally, we cannot predict the characteristics that this
process will take on. We cannot predict mistakes or give
indications: strength ratios, the maturity of the masses, social
and political tension, practical needs, the international
situation - these are all unpredictable. The only sure thing is
this: demonstrating in even one neighbourhood, in even one
factory, that self-management is possible means setting off an
irreversible process that only a military defeat can block. On
the other hand, no military victory, by itself, can make this
process possible inasmuch as if whoever wins finds themselves
with the possibility of making decisions, they appropriate this
decision-making power by force.

Social organization will be based around collective participation
in the political decisions and on recallable delegates for those
representations that each factory and neighbourhood will need
to have.

The libertarian mass organization will have to remain just that
- distinct from society and from the other mass organizations -
throughout the first phase of the transitional period and will
welcome as members those who voluntarily and consciously
approve of its activities.

Everyone will have to decide freely to join the mass
organization and there will be a pressing need to ensure that
everyone has both the chance and the will to join.

It is therefore necessary for the mass organization to take on
the task of education and informing, allowing and promoting
both inside and outside the organization the ideological debate
(which becomes political during the transitional period, by
force of things) that alone can determine the victory and the
spread of a social practice based on the collective ownership of
the means of production and on collective participation in the
management of public affairs.

An anarchist communist victory will thus be the victory of
right in this great debate, and our goal is exactly this: with the
transitional period, when everything will be questioned, we will
obtain what we have always desired. The whole society will
transform itself into a huge assembly which will have to decide
its own future and if we are then able to ensure that no force is
able to impose decisions other than those which come from
the right ideas, then we can happily predict now that
everything will change for the better.

In the second phase of the transitional period, the reduction in
the clash between classes and the almost total defeat of the
reactionary forces will give rise to a widespread need among
the population for a calmer, quieter life.

At this point, with the specific organization close to
extinguishing itself, with the economy in a phase of
restructuring and with the practice of self-management already
spreading, the problems that will arise will be mostly centred
around two political questions.

1. how to give society an efficient, self-managed
organizational structure;
2. how to eliminate the political differences typical of the
previous period and reach real political unity.

While the preservation of the "freed" society will depend on
that society itself and therefore we can say that the solution to
the first question will depend on the ability of all citizens, the
elimination of political differences, on the other hand, will
depend on the ability of the most conscious comrades (that is
to say, the libertarians) to realize concretely a society where
conflicts are always aired within a structure which includes
everyone.

Only the relicts of the old society will remain outside the new
one.

But for this to happen, it will be necessary for there to be, on
the one hand, a maturing of political consciousness throughout
society and, on the other hand, an EVOLUTION of the mass
organization into society itself.

In practice, there should be a synthesis between society and
the mass organization, in the sense that we should see, at the
same time, everyone joining the mass organization (which in
effect means that the mass organization becomes the
organization of society) and the mass organization dissolving
into society. This should all take place both by means of a
conscious decision and as a result of a natural evolution.

This will depend on a real conviction being reached: that there
are no more partisan interests, only collective interests.

At this stage, to go on with this line of reasoning would be to
start describing the future society, because adding predictions
and convictions about the transitional period would mean
forgetting one fundamental thing, that is to say that no-one
can or must decide for all the others. After all, the transitional
period is in reality the moment when the others will decide
without any power denying their freedom.



On the relationship between the specific organization and the
mass organization

In the first phase of the transition there are two possible
phases: one (taken for granted the need for the mass
organization to build the new society) where the mass
organization does not have the necessary clarity or strength to
establish and fight its political enemies alone, the other where
the mass organization does have this clarity and strength and
inexorably becomes the new social government, in effect.

The length of the first phase is objectively determined by the
conditions of the mass organization, by the enemies of the
revolution and by the specific organization. It can range from
zero to quite a considerable length of time. Even before the
transition, the specific organization will have been working for
the growth of the mass organizations so that they can be ready
to support a revolutionary social government.

In the first phase of the transition, the anarchist communist
organization must maximize this work and at the same time
take action against the enemies of the revolution. How will it
do this?

1. Fighting these enemies must not damage the growth of
the mass organization but prepare the ground for its autonomy.
2. The specific organization must ensure that its political
campaigns have the greatest effect on the masses and their
approval, by means of the greatest possible involvement not
only of wide sectors of the masses but also of the mass
organizations themselves, allowing them the freedom to decide
their position on the basis of their own real political
conscience. In the first phase of the transition, the specific
organization will have to take the political initiative to clarify
and explain who the enemies are and to invite everyone to join
it in fighting them.

If the specific organization makes mistakes in its campaign
(moving too quickly, not explaining itself sufficiently, etc.), if it
tries to impose its line on the masses in an authoritarian way
(thereby itself becoming an enemy of the revolution), then the
error will be seen in the low levels of mass participation and
the political defeat of the specific organization. Thus:

1. in the transitional phase, the specific organization must
have the greatest possible number of contacts with the mass
organization in all possible forms of political struggle, in order
to give it the chance to develop;
2. anarchist communist militants, natural members of the
mass organization, must ensure that each occasion for new
political and structural growth of the mass organizations must
become new programmatic points, new structures, new
functions, as a new social government, as the substitution of
the same functions of the specific organization;
3. the specific organization must continuously encourage the
mass organization to take on those tasks for which it gradually
develops political maturity and practical ability.

These three points are enormously important and require a
good balance in the relationship between the specific
organization and the mass organization.

As we can see, there needs to be a good balance between both
organizations, the level of which must never remain still, but
move ahead; a balance that requires continuous initiative by
both organizations, with no prevarication. In fact, in the first
phase of the transition, we anarchist communist militants will
be required to provide political initiative and behave with great
correctness.

The specific organization can and must have the political role
of clarifying and driving on the anarchist communist
revolution. It must do it by acting above all as a political
organization, that is to say through continuous struggle and
propaganda.

It must not have any false complexes. Once it respects the
correctness of its relations with the mass organization, the
specific organization can and must plough all its energies into
unmasking enemies, launching political campaigns, prodding
the mass organization, encouraging sincerely revolutionary
militants to defend the revolution actively and to guide every
problem towards a solution with energy, clarity and
correctness.



On the main problems of building Anarchist Communism

The problem of the new society is a problem that the FdCA
must face at the level of basic strategy and cannot be avoided
for the following reasons:

1. It is our task to summarize past experiments on the part of
the exploited during previous revolutionary experiences, to find
their limits and their errors. And it is this heritage which today
shown us the pillars of a social revolution and the
characteristics of a society without classes, which we can now
define in more precise (though still incomplete) terms than
past revolutionaries could. This is so much more important
today as we need to recover the most basic motivation of our
revolutionary being, that ideal tension be it "the practice of the
imagination" or "practice of utopia" as some comrades have
described it. This is all contained in establish in the most
scientific and precise way all the various alternatives to the
structures of capitalist domination and the capitalist society.
2. This section also includes a peculiarity which cannot be
"written in stone" as with other parts of this document. In
other words, it cannot just be decided and forgotten about; it
must be the subject of a continuous process of study and
research of past experiences and of the process we are involved
in these days.

We are dealing here with the areas and content which the
mass organizations must become capable of managing in the
new society. They are, therefore, basic points of reference,
starting now, for all the anarchist communist militants of our
organization. For every one of these points we must establish
what can be stated with certainty now and what can only be a
matter of theoretical debate now but a practical matter in a
future revolutionary transition.

a) Basic Strategy does not have to include the forms and
make-up of the (future) free society; we can only set out the
basic principles and recognize that, in order to apply them to
our times, certain important problem must be resolved.
Regarding these problems, we can be sure that:

* we do not even know them all, nor do we need to know
them all in our Basic Strategy;
* we do not have any complete solution to the problems we
do know.

b) Social and individual freedom

The anarchist communist society is a collective project and
reality. As such it has the right to relate itself to every single
individual. There is one error that this relationship must not
fall into: that of privileging society (the system as compared to
the individual). Once the anarchist communist society has
been created, it must not become something which transcends
the needs of the individual, a sort of god which exists for itself
even at the cost of sacrificing the needs of human beings. We
are not fighting for an anarchist communist society, we are
fighting for a social agreement between human beings, one
which we think must eliminate the current forms of
exploitation and authority that we know today. If we believed
in the anarchist communist system as something separate
from the needs of so many human beings, as something to be
achieved in its own right instead of as a means to resolve the
needs of so many human beings without oppressing anyone,
then we would be preparing ourselves to become idealists,
dangerous authoritarians.

It may be that anarchist communism, once realized, will turn
out to be only one stage towards the liberation of humanity: for
us it would not be a defeat, since it is our (principal) aim to
achieve human freedom and one form of society or another is
simply a more or less efficient tool to achieve this.

Anarchist communist society thus has the duty to make itself
understood, because it is a project created by humans who
have struggled for it and because it cannot be judged if it is not
understood. It has the right to defend itself from those who
understand it and who reject it in favour of a return to the
socially unequal structures that previously existed. It does not
have the right to defend itself from those who understand it but
do not want to return to exploitation and think that it is
possible to go further.

It has the duty to make sure it is understood.

It is a project of other human beings, it is the collective of
human beings that has to make itself understood to every other
human being who is not already a declared enemy.

It has the right to defend itself.

From those who do not want it to survive and make itself
understood by others. We are only interested in making these
enemies harmless to the life of the anarchist communist
collective.

It does not have the right to defend itself.

From those who view the new society as a stage on the road to
liberation and who will set out their criticisms, not in order to
return to a society that we have already known (and will still
know) to be wrong, but to go further along the road that has
been taken.

This provides us with some basic lines:

* the need for discussion, for information, for libertarian and
materialist maturity, as a basic foundation for the survival of
the anarchist communist social project; it should be clear that
we are not talking about pre-transition propaganda, but about
the even more important propaganda required during the
transition;
* the nature of the repression which will have to be only a
response to those who want to repress us, only the repression
of those who want to destroy us and set us back or take
advantage of us for their own gain. It is difficult. It is easy to
say (and we do say it) that we should not force others to join
our social collective, but only limit ourselves to defending its
existence and expansion; it is difficult to do it;
* the need for continuous constructive criticism among the
members of the new society; the criticism should be made
known to everyone, discussed by everyone and then
transformed from a collective decision into a new theme of
debate, a step forward a certainty or doubt to be clarified.

c) The socialization of wealth

Communism immediately: the law of value concerns
exploitation, not socialism. Communism immediately with its
law of needs, immediately with its problems so that they can
be solved. And there will be problems. First of all how to enact
the law of needs.

No form of wealth that can be used, either for the development
of communism or for fighting it, must be allowed to remain in
the hands of the bourgeoisie of any type.

Until such times as we can reach the productive power to
satisfy every need of every person, certain needs will have to
remain unsatisfied.

This leads to a double problem: do we establish a league table
of needs (and if so, who will do it?) and who decides which
needs remain unsatisfied? This is a huge problem, and one
which must be resolved during the transition. But let us
discuss it now. Strategically, we know it exists and that it is
fundamental; but we must begin to talk about it, to make
suggestions, to evaluate these suggestions, without however
thinking that a few experts in the here and now can sit down
around a table and solve the problem once and for all.
Strategically, let us say that we must talk about it
constructively and that we should carry out propaganda on the
matter.

The league table of needs, the choice of prime needs…, these
are scientific problems arising from a temporary situation of
relative shortage of goods. There will be disorder, but we will
have to leave as much of the production system as possible
intact and operational. Rather than from "Man's never-ending
needs", this relative shortage will derive from the destruction
caused during the revolutionary war, from numerous
transformations of the productive structures by the
revolutionaries themselves in order to obtain, for example,
more arms or vehicles with which to face the emergency that
will eventually end. But above all, any shortages will mainly be
due to the absurd use of the means of production currently on
the part of the bourgeoisie. And this is reassuring. Mostly, it
will be a case of conversion, more houses and fewer churches,
more trams and fewer cars, and so on.

What is important is that everyone be aware of this.

Once we know these things, we will be happier to do without
certain things because we will be preparing ourselves for
greater satisfactions. And that's it - the problem is not so much
creating a league table of needs as in letting everyone know the
real and full extent of the problem. On this basis, the technical
problems take on a different dimension, they are not too
worrying, they are something we can deal with. The new
economic values will be things like making sure everyone has
enough to eat, that the seas are clean, that we can breathe
clean air, and so on. Working to solve these problems will
mean working to solve our collective and individual problems.
And it will also mean that everyone will be happy to take
advantage of what science can offer.

d) Union of manual and intellectual labour

What does this mean? Does it mean spending half an hour
discussing things around a table followed by half an hour
digging the vegetable patch? No, the solution is more complex
than that.

The principle is that the use of the workforce must not be
guided by those who do not work. Every individual must be in
a position to decide, organize and control his or her work as he
or she sees fit. Everyone must know and be able to decide how
to work and why. This is the principle.

It goes beyond a question of there having to be no technicians
and manual workers, it goes to the source of this division.
There must be no separation between command and work,
those who command must not use the labour of others for
their own interests.

The first step for the union of manual and intellectual labour is
the abolition of exploiters and exploited, of those who work
and do not know why, separated from those who direct this
work for their own goals.

The second step is an appropriate scientific education for all.
This is a problem with no easy answers. Now, we can say that:

* once alienation is eliminated, workers will once again take
control of the objectives of their work, activating all the
knowledge about the productive process that they have
acquired through their work;
* the problems of production, in relation to the satisfaction
of everyone's needs, concerns the new question of scientific
education which will have to be introduced into the "schools"
from the earliest years of the child's learning process and will
have to be a general topic of continuous debate and
information within the grassroots bodies.

The question must now be asked: is it possible to arrive at a
situation where, in practice, we do not have some people who
think more than others and others who do more manual work?

* As far a production in the fields and factories is concerned,
there is no doubt but that it will be possible to eliminate the
various managers of production.
* Instead, with regard to the areas that are today known as
public administration, with the managers gone the work will
undoubtedly be reduced to much fewer people with purely
executive, more functional tasks.
* The last problem (and the biggest) concerns those areas
that require much greater scientific knowledge (medicine,
engineering, biological sciences, information technology, etc.).
This subject requires study and debate, starting now, though
much of the problem will only be solved when the time comes
to deal with it.

The basic points to be remembered are:

1. to eliminate from every scientific branch the functions and
knowledge that are only required by a class society in order to
keep science separated from the proletariat, in other words,
those things that are not necessary for turning science to the
needs of all;
2. to see to what extent this knowledge is divisible, at a mass
level, so that there can be mass control over its use;
3. to discuss realistically the relationship that the specific
technicians of these branches of science will have to have with
the mass organizations, in other words with the social
government.

As basic strategy, this matter interests us only in its basic lines
and in how to establish the problems. To recap, the basic
points regarding the re-appropriation of intellectual labour are:

* science as a means of satisfying the needs of the
collective;
* the division of knowledge hitherto protected with the aim
of exploiting;
* education for all;
* continuous education and information;
* the elimination of management over workers;
* the control of specialist technicians, to be given purely
executive roles.

e) Self-management of powers

As before, the basic principles and lines with which we must
face the main problems. It is pointless to go over the basic
principles again here as they are amply dealt with in our
Theory, in our Basic Strategy document on the Mass
Organization and in this document; at most we only need to
re-state them with greater precision.

However, apart from the principles themselves, there are also
some problems connected with putting them into action.

The only really serious problem is in the operation of real
democracy. There are four aspects to this: the consciousness
of the masses, knowledge and information, functionality, and
the function of the executive and the technicians.

The first thing is CONSCIOUSNESS. The consciousness of
everyone being able and having to decide. If serious mistakes
are made in this area, then the entire revolutionary democracy
would be at risk. We already know that before the transition,
apart from building a revolutionary force, all our political work
must be directed at building a consciousness of what the social
revolution will mean (in other words, the mass
self-management of powers).

Despite this, we must foresee the (extremely likely) eventuality
that the transition will begin while there are still large gaps as
far as this is concerned. There are therefore two needs:

* to apply our greatest efforts into clarifying, propagandising,
spreading and discussing their consciousness (a task for the
anarchist communist organization and, more importantly, for
the mass organization);
* to not allow these gaps to lead to a distorted functioning of
the new mass decision-making bodies. The trickiness of this
problem cannot be over-emphasized. On the one hand, there is
the risk that any gaps in the self-management consciousness
of the masses becomes a pretext for the formation of structures
where decision-making power (not executive power!) is
delegated. On the other hand, it will have to be ensured that
the functioning of the mass decision-making bodies is equally
guaranteed, that is to say, to ensure that decisions are made
equally in assemblies. Undoubtedly, we will have to study the
most functional methods for the informing, calling and
operation of assemblies. Let us repeat: the fulcrum of all this
will be the mass organization.

KNOWLEDGE AND INFORMATION will obviously be the
basis on which proletarians make their decisions. Knowledge
of the general lines of each matter where they are called on to
decide, constant and up-to-date information so that each
decision can be the best possible one.

Without these, decisions will be uninformed, impossible to
carry out or not suited to the problem in question. In fact, it
could lead to the dangerous situation where technicians would
predominate. In this area, more than in any other, alongside
the anarchist communist organization's action of stimulus and
propaganda, there must also be propaganda, stimulus and the
building of adequate structures and means by the mass
organization.

The FUNCTIONALITY of the mass structures is the logical
consequence of the previous points. In the mass organization,
the most conscious comrades will need to constantly
remember and remind others that the creation of functional
structures for mass democracy will have to be planned on the
basis of the practice and growth of the consciousness of
self-management, knowledge and information.

Once the first phase of the transition has begun, it will be a
matter of providing a basis for the practical functioning of a
social government that will win or lose in this phase. Only by
winning will there be a basis for entering the second phase of
the transition to anarchist communism.

ONLY if what was stated in the previous points occurs can
there be a correct relationship between the decisions of the
masses and any executive and technical or consultative bodies.

The executive bodies will have to operate according to precise
rules, established by decision-making assemblies, regarding
their relationship with decision-making assembly bodies.

We all know that the danger which derives from an erroneous
conception or functioning of an executive is enormous, placing
the entire revolution at risk. Let Spain be a lesson.

To summarize: great attention to the mass organization and
great vigilance of its work by the anarchist communist
organization.



The new society

Before Karl Marx came along with his scientific socialism, all
socialism was thought of as utopian.

For many people science and the creative tension for a new
society are concepts which are contrary to and incompatible
with each other.

We anarchist communists believe that it is right to reject the
type of socialism that, in an attempt to escape scientific
analysis of the situation, takes refuge in an idealistic vision of a
future society. But it is equally right to reject outright that
dismal concept of the Stalinist sort which views the future
society exclusively as the fruit of economic and social forces
which are scientifically examinable as regards their historical
evolution.

By the term "creative tension for a new society", we mean that
which does not exist today, but is in our hearts. It is right that
we achieve it and it is possible, against the wishes and the
force of those who do not want anything new.

For us, science and utopia are not opposed to each other - they
are simply different. Science is never something separate and
independent from political will, which always determines its
direction and its objectives. Science, that is to say the laws of
nature, is discovered for a REASON and is used for another
REASON. Whether the reason is the utopia of the perfect
society or the desire to hold onto an unjust society, is
something that depends on human beings.

Our socialism is therefore scientific but also a socialism of
desires, a moral, creative socialism consisting of analyses of
the situation and political needs, but also of a desire to create a
just society which is within our ability to create.

To deny the value of this means believing in the incapacity of
human beings to determine themselves and the collective they
are part of, whereas we emphasize the potential ability of the
whole of humanity to determine (scientifically and not
idealistically) its own future.

For this reason, we must and we can talk about the future
society now, or rather of the principal characteristics which we
believe it must have, and in the full knowledge that there are
serious limits to the extent to which we can do this. In other
words, it is impossible to give an absolute value to what is said
now, given the unpredictable nature of any society which may
appear once the creative potential of humanity has been
released, once this capacity has been freed from the age-long
oppression of power.

We believe, furthermore, in the need to provide room also for a
political debate on this voluntary, moral and creative tension,
because this debate has its origins both in the purely
"economic" needs of the exploited and in the need of every
repressed human being to express him or herself completely
and freely in society. This leads to a debate on the fragile
ideological framework of this society which must be
completely destroyed, with all its taboos and lies, before,
during and maybe also after the political and military victory
over capitalism and State socialism.

The concept of a better future society is identified by anarchist
communists in the free society. But for freedom to be possible,
it must be guaranteed by certain objective factors that we can
list.

Firstly, it is essential that the division of humanity into social
and economic classes disappear. Every art and trade must be
equally respected and considered. Work, whatever it may be,
must be important for what it is - work, and every worker must
do a job that is, from the qualitative point of view, the
equivalent of the jobs of other workers.

This means abolishing the distinction between manual labour
and intellectual labour. However, this must not come about
through a law which introduces equality between the two, but
through a re-organization of society that can give everyone the
chance to do both manual and intellectual work, so that the
"intellectual" workers do not maintain control of knowledge
and the "manual" workers do not maintain control of the
transformation of materials.

The private property of the means of production must be
abolished, but without entrusting property to any State
apparatus. It must be the collective that guarantees the
socialization of goods which are not for personal use and this
must be done by means of constant control over the goods
themselves.

In order for this to happen, it is essential that the management
of the collective's political and social life be really in the hands
of the whole collective. Only this can guarantee the liberty of
every individual and ensure that new forms of power do not
reappear.

This will guarantee that the economy and politics of the whole
society will suit those who decided them, in other words
humanity, and not one class or one party.

One final thing. In order that a society be free also from
economic need, it is essential that society's wealth as regards
necessary and indispensable goods be sufficient to enable
satisfaction of the principle "FROM EACH ACCORDING TO
THEIR ABILITY, TO EACH ACCORDING TO THEIR
NEEDS". The practical application of this principle will ratify
the reaching within society of a new state of relations between
human beings, consisting of solidarity and not envy,
brotherhood and not enmity.

To conclude, in that society we will see the liberation of the
individual from oppression by power. The individual will
participate in and identify (as a free individual) with a
non-oppressive collective. This is exactly what Bakunin had in
mind when he said "I will be truly free only when everyone else
is free". A collective will never be able to give its members
freedom as long as even one of its members does not
participate with a free spirit.

We look forward to a society of free women and men, of young
people who gain their freedom through a free education, of old
people who live their age with the consciousness of having
lived a real life. It is for all this that we insist in our struggle
today.
===============================
Federazione dei Comunisti Anarchici
Basic Strategy Document
(Approved by the First Congress of the FdCA, 1985)


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