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(en) Mexico: Appeal by the ACL for the foundation of a nationwide Revolutionary Anarchist Organization

From "dela protesta ala resistencia" <delaprotestaalaresistencia@hotmail.com>
Date Sat, 16 Apr 2005 17:48:40 +0200 (CEST)


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APPEAL BY THE "ALIANZA COMUNISTA LIBERTARIA" (Libertarian Communist Alliance)
To Anarchist organizations and individuals in Mexico:
Anarchism in Mexico has had an unquestionable presence among
the working masses of industry and agriculture, the biggest and good
known influence in the Anarchism in Mexico is the one contributed
by the Mexican Liberal Party (PLM), during the Revolution of 1910.
Those who deny the great heritage which Revolutionary Anarchism
has left the Mexican proletariat are only fooling themselves, given
that our line still continues today in the indigenous communities of
Mexico, in the autonomous municipalities be they Magonista or
Zapatista (in their ways, their forms and their strengths), which
shows the deeply-rooted nature of the Anarchist positions expounded
in 1910 and defended by the PLM and the anarchist periodicals of the
time such as "Defensa Proletaria", "Punto Rojo", "Regeneración",
"Avante", etc. of Ricardo Flores Magon, Praxedis Guerrero, Librado
Rivera, and many others.

This influence, that has lasted throughout the years, is due to the
great organization of the PLM, which had a real and serious
commitment, and understood the necessity of revolutionary
discipline, that is to say the need for voluntary and reasoned
self-discipline, never imposed.

Revolutionary Anarchism is today represented in all the countries of
the world by small, local organizations, with contradictory theories
and practices, without future perspectives or perseverance in militant
work, which usually disappear after a short life, leaving little if
anything after them.

There have been many attempts to organize the forces of
Revolutionary Anarchism, not only in Mexico but all over the world.
The Alliance of Socialist Democracy, the Organizational Platform,
the FAI and the Friends of Durruti are clear examples.

No-one who calls himself or herself Anarchist can deny either its
history or its theoreticians. To deny them is to deny Anarchism itself.

"Anarchism", wrote the Delo Truda group, "is not a beautiful utopia
nor some abstract philosophical idea. It is a social movement of the
working masses. For that reason, it must gather its forces into an
organization, constantly acting, as is required of it by the reality and
the strategy of the class struggle."

Revolutionary Anarchism as a social doctrine was not the product of
the brain of one person but of the expression of the aspirations of the
masses, according to their relationships and experiences. Bakunin,
the first and the principal theoretician of Revolutionary Socialism, did
not base his theory on abstract ideas, but on observation of the
workers' and peasants' organizations, their relationships and their
struggles, and it is precisely for this reason that wanting to separate
Revolutionary Anarchism from the class struggle means denying its
relationship with the working masses. By denying this relationship in
effect denies Anarchism itself.

The deformations and deviations that Anarchism has suffered
throughout its history in the fight for a new society are, we believe,
mainly due to a false interpretation of individualism within
Anarchism, which confuses individualism with an absence of
responsibility. To this historical bad interpretation of individualism,
we nowadays need to add new false interpretations deriving from the
former, such as the principle of authority and the dissolution of the
State. Those who base themselves on the ego of individualism equate
anarchism with a total absence of responsibility and even of order. It
is precisely this phenomenon of individualism which has created the
main infirmity that affects our numbers even in this day and age:
disorganization, the condemnation of mass organizations and
Anarchist specific organizations; this tendency is the result of the
influence of Stirner, Friedrich Nietzsche and Tucker, amongst others.

There are those who in fact base and justify their "anarchist
individualism" on the above-mentioned thinkers, who many have for
years considered as theoreticians of Anarchism, but Georges
Fontenis expressed it well when he wrote: "it was the bourgeois
historians of the workers' movement (...) who tried to link Stirner
with Bakunin."

"By reason", Fontenis goes on, "of a certain forgetfulness regarding
the conditions of the birth of Anarchism, it has sometimes been
reduced to a sort of ultra-liberalism and robbed of its materialistic,
historical and revolutionary character (...) However, though the ideas
of certain thinkers on the relationships between individuals and
human groups did prepare the way for Anarchism, there was no
Anarchism or similar doctrine until Bakunin."

Never did Bakunin, Makhno or Magon deny the need for a specific
anarchist organization made up of those who raise high the flag of
theory and of Social Revolution. On the contrary, they always sought
the creation of this, they always looked for a serious organization with
ideological and tactical unity.

It is time for us Anarchists to put an end to the disorganization that
has invaded our ranks. It is time to advance to our objective and to
make the journey together to the Social Revolution.

Together with disorganization, it is also necessary to put an end to
the conflict between anarcho-syndicalists and specific organizations,
as syndicalism is the complement to the specific organization and
vice versa.

As Bakunin said: "In spite of heading towards the same final
objective, they have at the same time different objects; one has as its
mission to unite the working masses, millions of workers, despite
differences of nations and countries, despite the frontiers of all the
various states, in a single, immense, compact body; the other's
mission is to give these masses a truly revolutionary direction. The
programmes of each, without being totally opposed, differ in the
degree of their respective development. That of the International, if it
is taken seriously, contains the germ, but only the germ, of the whole
programme of the Alliance whereas the programme of the Alliance is
the final explanation of the International."

Bakunin was referring to the First International and to the Alliance of
Socialist Democracy and this analysis is a more or less correct
comparison, comparable with the relationships between the
anarcho-syndicates and the specific organizations.

If we really want to solve the problem of disorganization in the
Anarchist movement, in our opinion the only objective way to
achieve it is to gather the most active and committed militants to the
cause that share an ideological base and common tactics.

If we desire the coordination of the most active, the most committed
and the best-prepared elements, in order to achieve this coordination
we should establish a series of agreements that can link them
together, agreements that can be renewed. If these agreements are
not made, the individual action of each will paralyze the action of the
others. The power of the collective is the most sincere expression of
the freedom of each.

We are firmly convinced that a "broad" organization, an organization
in which all the various Anarchist tendencies are united, is without
doubt destined to perish quickly and would be useless in practice and
in its theory.

Let us conclude, therefore, by re-stating the need for a Libertarian
Communist programme which can unite Revolutionary Anarchists
throughout the Mexican republic, Latin America and the world. The
Alianza de los Comunistas Libertarios is working assiduously towards
this task.

The Alianza de los Comunistas Libertarios invites all Anarchist
organizations and individuals throughout Mexico to unite into a
Federation, to be based initially on the following manifesto:

1. Recognize the Class Struggle as the most important facet of
Revolutionary Anarchism.

2. Recognize the materialist, dialectic, historical and Revolutionary
character of Anarchism.

3. Recognize syndicalism and peasants' unions as the principal
method of struggle.

4. Recognize the need for ideological and tactical within the
organization.

5. Recognize that the emancipation of the workers must be the task
of the workers themselves.

6. Recognize that the subjection of the worker to capital is the source
of all subjection - political, mental and material.

7. Recognize that the economic emancipation of the workers is the
main objective and one to which all political movements must be
subordinate; the efforts of the workers to win their emancipation
must not lead to the creation of new privileges, but must establish the
same rights and the same duties for all.

8. Reject all political action which does not have as its immediate and
direct object the triumph of the workers over capital and the State.

This document does not seek to do other than to lay the bases for the
unification of Revolutionary Anarchism in Mexico, Latin America
and the world. We are conscious that important points have been
omitted, but nonetheless we believe that we can reach the objective
for which it was written. A strong, cohesive organization is a sign of
life.

FOR THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION!
TOWARDS THE TOTAL TRIUMPH OF THE WORKING
CLASS!


29th October 2004
Alianza Comunista Libertaria

For a Revolutionary Anarchist Organization on a national level
http://www.comunismolibertario.cjb.net


Translation by FdCA - International Relations


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