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(en) THE CHINESE ANARCHIST MOVEMENT BY R. SCALAPINO AND G.T. YU 1961 - IV (4/4)

From Worker <a-infos-en@ainfos.ca>
Date Sat, 30 Oct 2004 10:41:18 +0200 (CEST)


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THE ANARCHIST CONFLICT WITH MARXISM - Ou Sheng-pai vs. Ch'en Tu-hsiu
These problems with the work-study movement in France were complicated
when Marxist-Leninists began to try to take control of the Chinese student
movement. The Anarchists had hoped that many students would feel the pull
of the same ideological and political currents that had captured them a
decade or more earlier. The impact of this program was very substantial
and some of the students of this period did gravitate toward Anarchism.
But, according to Liang Ping-hsien, the Chinese Communist Party began
to organize in France during this period.[144] By 1922, the chief
worker-student organization, the Work-Study Mutual Assistance Group,
was controlled by Communist students.[145] In the winter of 1921,
certain worker-students led by Wang Jo-fei, Chao Shih-yen, and Ch'en
Yen-nien, organized a Socialist Youth Corps in Paris. It attracted a
number of members and immediately established contact with the
embryonic Chinese Communist Party which had held its first Congress in
July 1921. In August 1922, this Corps served as the nucleus for the
organization of a Main Branch of the Chinese Communist Party in
Europe.[146] Chou En-lai came from Germany to Paris especially to
participate in the founding meeting, and was elected a committeeman
along with such other students as the three Youth Corps leaders
mentioned above. The Chinese Anarchist students engaged the
Communists in heated debates, but the latter were steadily gaining
ground.

Indeed, after 1920, Communism became a truly formidable opponent to
Anarchism, and the crescendo of debate within "progressive" circles rose.
For the Communists, Ch'en Tu-hsiu quickly emerged as the leading
spokesman. He fought one lengthy literary duel with the Anarchist Ou
Sheng-pai, and fortunately their exchanges have been preserved.[147] To
read them is both fascinating and instructive.

Let us first examine some of Ch'en's major arguments against Anarchism
as presented in these writings. One line of attack was that Anarchism had
neither the capacity to wage successful revolution nor the capacity to hold
power successfully in the aftermath of a revolution.[148] Revolution, he
argued, could not be advanced by reliance upon separate, atomized units
of undisciplined men. And if in the aftermath of a revolution, Kropotkin's
system of free federation were adopted instead of Lenin's dictatorship of
the proletariat, the Capitalists would soon regain their position.
Frequently, Ch'en concerned himself with the nature of man and the
basis of authority, those two most central questions to all political theory.
Both he and Li Ta found the Anarchists too optimistic regarding human
nature and too pessimistic regarding things political.[149] Not all men
tended to be good, and even among those with such proclivities, many
could not be reached by education during the Capitalist era. Some men
were evil and reactionary; they could not be reformed. Until such men
had been extinguished, any attempt to rule by virtue and education alone
was unrealistic. Moreover, even people who could be salvaged eventually,
were not to be trusted immediately after the overthrow of the old order.
Thorough enlightenment - proper education - these things were not
possible while militarists, tyrants, and Capitalists were in control.[l50]

Ch'en made some surprising statements about mass movements and
revolutions truly in the hands of the common man. He acknowledged that
the "May 4th Movement" had had beneficial results. But most mass
movements were ugly and irrational, like the Boxer Rebellion. Mass
psychology was a blind force. "No matter how great a scientist one may
be, once he is thrown in with the masses, he loses all sense of reason."
[151] Ch'en was attempting to answer the Anarchist argument that a free
society should be controlled not by laws but by the public will, as
developed through "town hall" meetings and voluntary associations. "The
public will," argued Ch'en, thrives on emotionalism and can be built up
through the skillful application of pressures. What is enlightened about
the collective judgment of ignorant men?

Some of Ch'en's most trenchant remarks were directly aimed at the
Chinese people. They were guilty of corruption and backwardness. If they
were to be saved, there had to be "strict interference" in economic and
political matters There had to be an "enlightened despotism" both in
name and in fact. The chief obstacle to this was the "lazy, wanton, illegal
sort of free thought that forms a part of our people's character." [152]


Ch'en was Leninist in his rather extensive defense of authority and the
state, and in his conspicuous doubts concerning the common man.
Above all, he was Leninist in his espousal of vanguardism, an intellectual
vanguardism that would shape and guide the common man until he could
be trusted. There is no better way to see the authoritarian elements in
Communist theory than to read the Communist polemics directed against
the Anarchist. Ch'en pursued another theme with vigor Anarchism would
have man return to primitivism. Economically, it would take him back to
the era of handicraft industries. Politically, it would remove him to the
days of tribalism.[153]

Ou Sheng-pai struck back at Ch'en forcefully. He argued that
Syndicalism was a feasible method both of conducting revolution and of
maintaining post-revolutionary power. Anarchism did not hesitate to use
violence against evil. Why did Anarchists assassinate officials and seek to
overthrow capitalist societies? But Anarchism was opposed to
institutionalized power and law, because these forces inevitably resulted
in indiscriminate oppression. Laws were dead. They were the fixed
instrumentalities of the ruling class. Did laws stop officials from robbing
people?[154]

Anarchism had as its central quest the freedom of every man. Ou,
however, distinguished himself from the individualist branch of
Anarchism. Freedom, as Bakunin had indicated long ago, did not have
meaning without relation to society. It was not to be equated with
rampant individualism. But freedom in society could be obtained only
when law had been replaced by free contracts based upon common will.
There was no conflict between freedom and association, argued Ou,
because the key lay in Kropotkin's concept of free contracts, and in the
idea of free federation. And because each man would be free to join and
free to withdraw, modern society could function without disruption.

Ou insisted that most men were "stubborn" because they had insufficient
knowledge, and he professed much greater hope in education, both before
and after the revolution than Ch'en. if an offender persisted in
wrong-doing in an Anarchist society, Ou asserted, he would be asked to
leave; and he insisted that there were no men so shameless as to
disregard such a demand from the whole society. In answer to Ch'en's
remarks about mass movements and their motivating forces, Ou asserted
that with the progress of science, the force of emotionalism among
mankind would recede.[155] He looked toward a more rational man and a
more rational world.

EDITOR'S FOOTNOTE

The authors of this text originally used the word "tutelage" for what
Anarchists refer to as vanguardism. In the true sense of the word,
"tutelage" is the practice of educating people to prepare them for
revolution and not the practice of the Marxist-Leninist who advocated
"enlightened despotism" because people were too stupid and lazy to
instigate a revolution on their own. This is the elitist language of
vanguardists who claim that dictatorship can create Socialism while,
throughout history, it has only created tyranny.

The authors commented that "tutelage" was a part of Chinese culture,
which it is. Chinese philosophical and religious systems (including those
that were attacked by the Anarchists) are based on the teachings of people
like Lao Tzu and Confucius who were regarded as great scholars by
different groups of people. Tutelage was enlightenment through
education.

This "tutelage" was part of the attractiveness of the Work-Study
Movement and it was exploited by Marxist-Leninists who infiltrated the
study groups to spread their doctrine. Maoism turns "tutelage" on its head
through its "preceptoral" method of indoctrination and social control.
"Preceptoral" means a system based on teaching. In Maoism, Mao, the
Part, or those in Authority are right and if you don't agree with them there
is a contradiction which can only be solved by persuading you to agree
with them. This is the basis for the idea of political "reeducation" camps.
The object is to get a person to recant their beliefs much like what was
done by the catholic Church during the Inquisition.

The Maoist method of recruiting uses a similar tactic. The person who
the Maoist is trying to recruit is asked to recite their beliefs and then
persuaded that working toward the objectives of the Maoist (Communist)
Party will fulfill that persons beliefs and desires. The objective is to
persuade you to do more and more until you are actually following the
Maoist leaders at the expense of your original values, desires, work
projects, etc.. Once they get you into their movement, they begin the
process of trying to reeducate you by challenging your beliefs until you
think like they do. It is a kind of brainwashing similar to that used by
some religious cults.

The Chinese Communists used the same lies as the Bolsheviks to attack
Anarchism. In 1922 they were accusing Anarchists of being primitivists
while only a few years earlier Anarcho-Syndicalist propaganda had helped
instigate worker self-management in Russia and Anarchist slogans had
been parroted by the Bolsheviks. They claimed that Chinese people were
technologically simple people, but the Russians had also been
technologically simple people - defying Marx's claim that revolution must
happen in industrialized nations where workers are more technologically
advanced.

The Chinese Communists claimed that people are incapable of managing
their own affairs without despotism while Anarchists in the Ukraine had
established an autonomous area of collectivized farming, worker
self-management and free economic exchange from 1917-1921, a year
before the Chinese Communist diatribes against Anarchists in Paris!

The Chinese Communists claimed that people couldn't overthrow tyrants
without their leadership when the Anarchist partisans had defeated the
occupying armies of Germany and Austria-Hungary, aborted a
counterrevolution by Ukrainian Nationalist troops, and defended their
accomplishments against the attacks of the Russian Red Army under the
command of Leon Trotsky. Trotsky sent inexperienced troops up against
Anarchist partisans who had been engaged in guerilla warfare for 9 years
- he told them the guerillas were merely "bandits." The Anarchists were
able to kill seven Red Army soldiers for every one of their losses until they
finally ran out of troops and had to seek refuge in France.

NOTES

1. Edgar Snow, Red Star Over China, London, 1937, p.149.
2. A recent study of Chinese students in Japan is entitled Chukokujin
Nihon ryugaku shi (An History of Chinese Students Studying in Japan)
by Saneto Keishu, Tokyo, 1960. This is an essentially factual account.
3. Chu Ho-chung, "The Record of the European T'ung Meng Hui, in
Lo Chia-lun, (ed.), Ke-ming wen-hsien(Documents of the Revolution),
Vol. II, Taipei, 1953, pp. 251-270. See also Feng Tzu-yu, "Chinese
Students in Europe and the T`ung Meng Hui --Ho Chih-ts'ai's Account
of the Beginning and End of the European T'ung Meng Hui," in Ke-ming
i-shih (An Informal History of the Revolution), Vol. II, Taipei, 1953,
pp.132-141.
4. Shih-chieh-she (Le Monde), ed., L-Ou chiao-y yn-tung (The
Educational Movement in Europe), Tours, France, 1916, p. 49. This is an
extremely valuable source for the study of the Chinese student movement
in France, particularly the Anarchist-sponsored work-study movement.
5. For an excellent, brief biography of Li Hung-tsao, see the account
written by Fang Chao-ying in Hummel, Arthur, (ed.) Eminent Chinese of
the Ch'ing Period, Washington, 1943, pp.471-2.
6. Chang was born in Chekiang province. His father became a
successful Shanghai business man, and when the elder Chang died, his
son received a sizeable inheritance. Physically, the young man was not
strong, but he had passionate political convictions. According to Feng
Tzu-yu, he secured the position of commercial attache in the Chinese
Legation in France by bribery. While Chang soon became acquainted
with Western Anarchism and secretly called himself a Chinese Anarchist,
some students feared that he might be a spy because of his government
connections. This was untrue, however. For these and other details of
Chang's life, see Feng Tzu-yu, "The Master of the Hsin Shih-chi, Chang
Ching-chiang," Ke-ming i -shih, op. cit., pp. 227 -230.
7. Chu, also a native of Chekiang, went to Japan in 1903, studying
political science and economics. He travelled to Europe in 1908, with
Chang, and shortly thereafter, became involved in the Anarchist
Movement. Chu was to remain in France until shortly after the outbreak
of World War I, when he returned to China. But a few years later, he
went back to Paris to study medicine and pharmacy. In this period, he
participated in the establishment of the "University of Lyons" which will
be discussed later. Chu's life ended in tragedy. After many years of service
to the Kuomintang, in 1939 he threw in his lot with his old friend, Wang
Ching-wei, and accepted the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs in
Wang's Nanking government. After the allied victory in 1945, Chu was
arrested and put to death.
8. The Educational Movement in Europe, op. cit. , p. 50. For the results
of Li's research on soya beans see Li-Yu-Yung (de la Societe
Biologique-d'l Extreme-Orient, Chine) Le Soja Essay Culture: Ses
Usages Alimentaires, Therapeutiques, Agricoles et industriels, Paris,
1912, p.150.
9. A complete collection of Hsin Shih-chi (The New Century). together
with some of the pamphlets published by the Paris group, were reprinted
in four volumes, in Shanghai, 1947. All citations from Hsin Shih-chi are
from this edition.
10. A full account of Wu's life is given in Chang Wen-po, Chih-lao
hsien-hua (Chit-Chat About Old Chih), Taipei, 1952. For a few special
details that pertain to Wu's relations with Sun Yat-sen, see a series of
articles by Yang K'ai-ling, "The Father of Our Country and Mr. Wu
Chih-hui," published in the magazine San Min Chu I pan-veh k'an
(Three People's Principles Semi-Monthly), Nos.1-4, May 15 - June 15,
1953.
11. Chang Wen-po, op. cit., p. 24.
12. Interview between the senior author and Li Shih-tseng, Taipei, July
16, 1959.
13. To stress the importance of the classics upon their thinking, Li in the
interview recalled that Wu had once painted a picture to depict the
following ancient Chinese tale: during the Chou dynasty, two
philosophers were each asked by the Emperor to be his successor. The
one put his ear into some water, saying "I must clean my ear after hearing
such a thing"; the other said, "Do not let my oxen drink the water in
which you have cleaned your ear."
14. For a general survey of the European Anarchist Movement, see G.
D. H. Cole, A History of Socialist Thought, 3 Vol., London 1955-57; and
Carl A. Landauer, European Socialism, 2 Vol., Berkeley, 1959.
15. Mutual Aid: A Factor of Evolution was published in 1902, and
quickly had a world-wide impact. The Paris group of Chinese Anarchists
undoubtedly read it shortly after their arrival there. Li translated it serially
for the Hsin Shih-chi. Kropotkin was to be translated into Japanese and
Chinese many times during the next two decades. His theme that mutual
aid was as much a law of nature as mutual struggle, and more significant
for the progressive evolution of mankind was central to the
Anarcho-Communist creed.
16. Professor Olga Lang has pointed out to us that aristocrats like
Bakunin and Kropotkin did, however, have a powerful appeal to men not
of their class as well, namely an important segment of the European
working class.
17. Professor Lang has agreed with this point, but has reminded us that
perhaps Bakunin and Kropotkin are not the happiest examples of Russian
influence, since their impact upon Russian revolutionary thought was
perhaps less than that upon Western Europe.
18. Wu Chih-hui, "Degrees," Hsin Shih-chi, No. 2, June 29, 1907, p. 1.
19. Wu Chih-hui, "Answering the Writing of a Certain Gentleman,"
Ibid., No. 42, April 11, 1908, pp. 2-3.
20. "This is Known As a Chinese Sage," Ibid., No. 1, June 22, 1907, p.
3. (Only a few authors can be identified in Hsin Shih-chi. Sometimes
pen-names are used, but frequently no designation whatsoever is given).
21. Ch'u Min-i, "Looking at the Past," Ibid., No. 24, Nov. 30, 1907, p. 2.
22. Ibid, p. 2.
23. Li Shih-tseng, "Ancestor Revolution," Ibid., No. 2, June 29, 1907,
pp.3-4. See also Ch'u Min-i, "On Anarchism," Ibid., No.36, February 29,
1908, pp.3-4.
24. We are indebted to Professor Joseph Levenson for pointing out that
K'ang Yu-wei had written some tracts attacking the family system as
early as the 1880's, although these remained unpublished. Hoover Library
has on microfilm his Shih-li kung fa, and somewhat later, a similar
position was expressed in Ta t'ung shu.
25. Chiu Min-i, "General Revolution," Ibid., No.17, Oct.12, 1907, pp.
2-3.
26. Ibid., p.3. The Anarchist distinction between "political revolution"
and "social revolution" will be discussed later.
27. Speech of Liu Shih-p'ei (Kuang-han) at the first meeting of the
Socialist Study Group in Tokyo, taken from T'ien-i Pao, printed in Hsin
Shih-chi, No. 22, Nov.16, 1907, p.4.
28. "A Letter with Answers," Ibid., No. 6, July 27, 1907, p.1. Answers
by Li Shih-tseng.
29. "A Letter to Hsin Shih-chi from a Certain Individual, with Answers,"
Ibid., No.8, August 10, 1907, pp. 2-3. Answers by Li Shih-tseng.
30. "A Letter with Answers," op. cit., p.1.
31. Ibid., p.1.
32. Ibid., p.1.
33. Ibid., p.1.
34. "A Discussion with a Friend Concerning Hsin Shih-chi," Ibid., No.3,
July 6, 1907, pp.1-2.
35. "A Letter to Hsin Shih-chi from a Certain Individual, with Answers,"
op. cit., p. 3.
36. "Anarchism Can Be Steadfastly Matched Against the Sense of
Responsibility of the Revolutionary Party," Ibid., No. 58, August 1, 1908,
pp.10 -13.
37. "An Extended Discussion on the Differences and Similarities of
Nationalism, Democracy, and Socialism, and another Reply to the Letter
on the Interesting Meaning of the Opening Statement of Hsin Shih-chi,"
Ibid., No. 6, July 27, 1907, pp.3-4.
38. Ibid., p.4.
39. "National Extinction? " Ibid., No. 48, May 23, 1908, pp.1-2.
40. "An Extended Discussion etc., " op. cit., p.3.
41. "A Letter to Hsin Shih-chi from a Certain Individual, with Answers,
" op. cit., p.3.
42. Li Shih-tseng, "On Knowledge," Ibid., No. 7, August 3, 1907, p.2.
43. "On Anarchism" (Continued), Ibid., No. 43, April 18, 1908, p.4.
44. One article berated the Chinese Minister to Italy for allowing the
body of his wife to lie unburied for a period of time, in accordance with
Chinese custom. It charged that this kind of superstitious, unscientific,
barbaric custom subjected the Chinese to ridicule in the eyes of
Europeans. See "The Chinese in Europe," Ibid., No.15, September 28,
1907, p.3. For still another use of science, see "The End of Imperialism,"
Ibid., No. 63, September 5, 1908, pp.10-12. Said the author: "I dare say
that ten years from now, death will come to the robber-kings of the world
and universal well-being will be achieved. I hope that the youth of China
will learn more science and make more bombs, each working according
to his own heavenly conscience to expel the barbarians and prevent
imperialism from sprouting in China."
45. "Hurried Thoughts At the Advent of Hsin Shih-chi," Ibid., No.1,
June 22, 1907, p.1.
46. "On Anarchism" (Continued), Ibid., No.34, February 15, 1908, pp.3
-4.
47. "International Revolutionary Currents," (Comments by Li
Shihtseng), Ibid., No.32, February 1, 1908, pp.1-2. We are indebted to
Mr. Michael Gasster for pointing out that one Hsin Shih-chi reader
argued that in their advocacy of revolution, the editors were violating the
evolutionary principles of one of their heroes, Darwin. To this argument,
Wu responded by asserting that there was a difference between biology
and human affairs, for the latter were subject to control (and hence
acceleration) by human action.
48. "A Rejection of Hsin Shih-chi Writings on Revolution" (with
answers by Li Shih-tseng), Ibid., No. 5, July 20, 1907, pp.1-2.
49. "On the Uselessness of Jumping into the Ocean," Ibid., No. 6, July
27, 1907, p.2.
50. "General Revolution," Ibid., No.17, October 12, 1907,
51. Li Shih-tseng and Chiu Min-i (?),La Revolution, Paris, 1907, (8 page
pamphlet), republished, Shanghai, 1947.
52. "Go and Join Ranks with the Secret Societies," Hsin Shih-chi, No.
42, April 11, 1908, pp.1-2.
53. Ibid., p. 2.
54. A few articles on unionism and its objectives were published in Hsin
Shih-chi. For example, see "Labor Unions," Ibid., No.4, July 13, 1907, p.
2; and Ch'u Min-i, "The Strike," Ibid., No.92, April 10, 1909, pp. 5-8.
Also, Professor Lang has pointed out to us that Chang Chi translated
Arnold Roller's General Strike (Lo-lieh Tsung t'ung-meng pa-kung) in
1907, Canton.
55. La Revolution, op. cit.
56. Ibid.
57. Ch'u Min-i, "On Anarchism" began in issue No. 31, January 25,
1908 of the Hsin Shih-chi, and continued through issue No. 60, August
15, 1908.
58. "On Anarchism" (Continued), Ibid., No. 60. August 15, 1908, pp.
5-9.
59. Of course, the word "socialism" (she-hui-chu-i) had been introduced
much earlier, possibly by Liang Ch'i-chiao in his Ch'ing-I Pao (Public
Opinion Journal) in 1899.
60. Ch'u Min-i, "Rejecting the Shih-pao's 'Why China Cannot Now
Promote Communism'," Ibid., No. 72, November 7, 1908, pp.7-14.
61. "A Comparison of the Three Principles of Nationalism, Democracy,
and Socialism," Ibid., No. 6, July 27, 1907, p.1.
62. Ibid., p.1.
63. When posed with this general question, Li Shih-tseng asserted that
in each era, one struggles for freedom and the liberation of the individual
spirit in a different manner, relying upon different tactics and approaches
-- but that the fundamental struggle is still the same. Interview, July 16,
1959.
64. Yang K'ai-ling asserts that Sun met Wu in Tokyo, but others state
that the London meeting was the first. See Yang, "The Father of the
Country and Mr. Wu Chih-hui," op. cit., No.1, pp. 28-29.
65. Feng Tzu-yu, "The Master of the Hsin Shih-chi, Chang
Chingchiang," op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 227-230.
66. Ibid., p. 229.
67. For an account of this and other events of this period in English, see
T'ang Leang-li, The Inner History of the Chinese Revolution, London,
1930, pp.40 ff. (p. 62) For a discussion of the manifesto, see "Advice,"
Hsin Shth-chi, No. 115, November 13, 1909, pp. 4-11.
68. The Su-pao Affair is discussed in T'ang, op. cit., p. 42; and History
of The Press and Public Opinion in China, 1936, p.102. Mr. Richard
Howard has informed us that some authorities claim that the enmity of
Wu and Chang dates even before the Su-pao affair.
69. This was Lin Yutang's remark. Ibid., p.102.
70. For some of Chang's "open letters," see "A Just Discussion on
Anti-Manchuism," Min-pao, No. 21, June 10. 1908, pp. 1-12; "Refuting
the Argument Regarding China's Adoption of the International
Language," Ibid., pp. 49-72; "The Taiwanese and the Hsin Shih-chi
Correspondent," Ibid., No. 22, July 10, 1908, pp. 31-35; "To Advise Hsin
Shih-chi," Ibid., No. 24, October 10, 1908, pp.41-65. Wu's open letters to
Chang appear in Hsin Shih-chi, Nos. 28, 44, and 63. See also the
important article, "Advice," Ibid., No. 115.
71. See Wu's article "Party People," Ibid., No. 117, January 22, 1910,
pp.1-10. Here Wu reported that the anti-Sun manifesto, circulated in the
names of T'ung Meng Hui members from seven provinces, was reported
to have been written by T'ao Ch'eng-chang. He argued that if Sun were
wealthy why did his son work in Honolulu to earn tuition, and why were
the expenses of his mother, near death in Hongkong, being met by
friends. He urged the anti-Sun forces to furnish proof of their charges.
Then he furnished "proof" of Chang Ping-lin's association with Liu
Kuang-han and his wife, in the form of five letters, the implication being
that Chang was still close to him who by this time had deserted the
Anarchist and revolutionary cause.
72. "Meeting of the Overseas Students to Oppose a Supervisor," Hsin
Shih-chi, No. 1, June 22, 1907, pp. 3-4.
73. Ibid., p 4.
74. "Record of the Supervisor's Speech at the Association of Overseas
Students in France," Ibid., No. 50, June 6, 1908, pp. 2-3.
75. See the advertisement on page one of Hsin Shih-chi, No. 114,
October 16, 1909.
76. See Ibid., No. 116, December 18, 1909, p. 1. In this advertisement, it
says "We have received our copy; three hundred more are on the way
here." There is also other evidence to indicate secret publication in
Tokyo.
77. Ibid., p. 1
78. Ibid., No. 121, May 21, 1910.
79. Chang Chi, Chang P'u-ch'an hsien-sheng ch'an-chi (Collective
Works of Mr. Chang P'u-ch'an). Taipei, 1951, pp. 220-235.
80. Ibid., p. 236. Fang Chao-ving has informed us that the first mention
of Anarchism in Chinese literature was probably through the translation
of two Japanese works, Shakaito (the Socialist Party), by Nishikawa
Kojiro and Shakaishugi gaikyo by Shimada Saburo, both published in
Chinese in 1903, thus introducing Anarchist concepts.
81. For two brief accounts of Liu and his wife, see Ts'ai Yuan-p'ei, "A
Brief Account of the Activities of Liu Shen-shu," in Liu Shenshu i-shu
(Posthumous Writings of Liu Shen-shu), 1936, pp. 1-3, and Wu
Chih-hui, "Titbits," Hsin Shih-chi, No. 109, August 21, 1909, pp. 13-14.
82. Liu contributed a number of articles to Min-pao during Chang
Ping-lin's editorship of that journal. He used the pen name of Wei I. See
Min-pao, No.13, May 5, 1907, pp.1-16; No.14, June 8, 1907, pp. 23-28
and pp.39-111; No.15, July 5, 1907, pp.19-34 and pp.35-62; and No.18,
December 25, 1907, pp.1-26. See also Chang T'ai-yen (Ping-lin), "A
Preface to Anarchism," Min-pao, No. 20, April, 1908, pp.129-130, in
which Chang makes some generally favorable remarks in connection with
Chang Chi's translation of Errico Malatesta.
83. Ibid., No.15, July, 1907.
84. Certain articles from the T'ien-i Pao are reprinted in the Hsin
Shih-chi. The Kuomintang Archives near T'aichung Taiwan contain
issues 4 and 5 (July 25, August 10, 1907), and the authors have had the
important articles copied from these two issues. No issues have yet been
discovered in Japan.
85. Hsin Shih-chi No. 22, November 16, 1907, p.4, No. 25, December 7,
1907, pp.3-4, and No. 26, December 14, 1907, p.4 carry the events and
major speeches of this first meeting as recorded in T'ien-i Pao.
86. Ibid., No. 25, p.3.
87. Ibid., No. 22, p.4.
88. Liu Kuang-han, "Views on the Equality of Anarchism," T'ien-i Pao,
No.4, July 25, 1907, pp.7-20.
89. Liu Kuang-han, "An Examination of the Development of Socialism
in the Western Han Period," op. cit., pp. 20-29. and No. 5, August 10,
1907, pp. 27-30.
90. Ibid., No. 5, p.30.
91. Ts'ai Yuan-p'ei, op. cit.
92. Ibid., pp. 236-237.
93. Shortly after his return to China, he attempted to secure from the
revolutionary government Ch'ung-ming Island at the mouth of the
Yangtze River "as an experimental area for world Anarchism." Min-li Pao
(The People's Independent), Shanghai, China, January 26, 1912, p. 2.
94. A brief biography of Shih Fu appears at the beginning of his
collective works, Shih Fu wen-ts`on (Collective Works of Shih Fu),
Canton, 1927. See also his biography in the Anarchist publication
Ko-ming hsien-ch' (the Vanguard of Revolution), Shanghai, 1928. For a
sketch in English, see H. E. Shaw, "A Chinese Revolutionist," Mother
Earth, Vol.X, No.8, October, 1915, pp.284-5.
95. Shih Fu wen-ts'un, op. cit.
96. Ibid.
97. Ibid. See also Feng Tzu-yu, op. cit., Vol.II, pp. 207-211.
98. For a detailed description of the Chin-te Hui, see Chang Hsing yen,
"On the Chin-te Hui", Min-li Pao, February 26, 1912, p. 2, and the
special Chin-te Hui section which was subsequently carried in that
newspaper. See also Wu Chih-hui's reply to Shih Fu in Min Sheng, No.
2, August 27, 1913, p.10.
99. "Covenant of the Chin-te Hui", Min-li Pao, February 26, 1912, p. 2.
100. Ibid., p. 2.
101. Ibid., p.2.
102. From time to time, lists of members were given in Min-li Pao.
General members included Ts'ai Yuan-piei, Chang Hsing-yen, and
according to a new list of March 1, 1912, Hu Han-min among others.
Special A Division members included Chang Chi, Chang Ching-chiang,
Tai Chi-tiao and many others. B Division members included Wang
Ching-wei and Chiu Min-i. C Division included Wu Chih-hui and Li
Shih-tseng.
103. Ibid., March 2, 1912, p.3.
104. Ibid., March 6. 1912, p.3.
105. Ibid., April 21, 1912, p.2.
106. A complete set of these papers is available and has been used by the
authors.
107. For its declaration, see "Declaration of the Society of Anarchist
Communist Comrades," Min Sheng, No.19, July 18, 1914, pp. 6-9.
108. See Shih Fu's "Letter to the International Anarchist Congress," Min
Sheng No.16, June 27, 1914, pp. 4-8. This is a valuable source, especially
for current developments.
109. For example, in Min Sheng, No. 21, August 2, 1914, the receipt of
one of Emma Goldman's books is acknowledged, and her picture is
printed. In the same issue, is a note stating that despite the seizure and
suppression of Osugi Sakae's new journal, Heimin Shimbun(The
Commoner Newspaper), Min Sheng has secretly received a copy of issue
No.1. Scarcely an issue of Min Sheng, moreover, was without news of
some foreign anarchist party or movement. In issue No.13, an
advertisement appears on p. 12 for a Chinese socialist and Anarchist
journal published in Burma called Cheng Sheng(The Voice of Justice).
110. Shih Fu lived until after the publication of issue No. 22. It is reported
that after every issue, he became ill from over-exhaustion. Following his
death, Min Sheng was changed to a bi-weekly, and the last few issues
were published very irregularly. At a later point, the Anarchists began to
publish the magazine again.
111. "Declaration, " Hui - ming -lu, No. 1, August 20, 1913, pp. 1 - 2.
112. Ibid., p. 2.
113. "A Simple Explanation of Anarchism," Ibid., pp. 2-8.
114. Ibid.
115. "Explaining the term 'Anarchist-Communism'," Min Sheng, No. 5,
April 11, 1914, pp.1-5.
116. Ibid.
117. "The Aims and Methods of the Anarchist-Communist Party," Ibid.,
No.19, July 18, 1914, pp. 6-9.
118. "First Letter of Shih Fu to Wu Chih-hui," Ibid., No. 2, August 27,
1913, pp.9-10.
119. "Wu Chih-hui's Reply," Ibid., No. 2, August 27, 1912, p.10.
120. "Shih Fu's Letter to Chang Chi," Ibid., pp.10-11.
121. See especially "The Socialism of Sun Yat-sen and Chiang
K'ang-hu," Ibid., No. 6, April 18, 1914, pp.1-7, and Chiang K'ang-hu's
"Anarchism," Ibid., No.17-18, July 4-11, 1914, pp.6-7; 5-7
122. "The Socialism of Sun Yat-sen and Chiang K'ang-hu," op. cit.,
pp.1-7.
123. Ibid.
124. "Argument Against Chiang K'ang-hu," Ibid., No.14, June 13, 1914.
pp.159-167, continued in No. 15, June 20, 1914, pp.171-177. See also
"The Anarchism of Chiang K'ang-hu," Ibid., No.17, July 4, 1914, pp.6-7,
continued in No.18, July 11, 1914, pp. 5-7.
125. See Shih Fu's "In Answer to Lo Wu," Ibid., No.7, April 25, 1914,
pp. 9-11; and his "On the Socialist Party," Ibid., No. 9, May 9, 1914,
pp.1-6.
126. Wu Chih-hui, "Remembering Mr. Shih Fu," in Wu Chih-hui
ch'an-chi (The Complete Works of Wu Chih-hui), Shanghai, 1927.
Vol.8, pp.115-117.
127. See Yang Ch'uan, "Social Reform Thought of the Last Thirty Years
in China," Tung-fang tsa-chih, Vol. 21, No. 17, September 10, 1924, pp.
50-56.
128. Ibid.
129. See Liang Ping-hsien (using the pen-name Hai-y Ku-X'e) "Special
Memoirs of the Liberation," Tzu-yu Jen (The Freeman), Hong Kong,
Nos. 73-86, Nov. 14 - Dec. 29, 1951. Liang was a member of the
Hui-ming Hseh-she and these are an exceedingly valuable series of
articles pertaining to such questions as the origins of the Chinese
Communist movement, and the relation of the Anarchists to its opening
stages.
130. For one valuable account of the French work-study movement, see
a Chinese book published in Paris: Shih-chich-she, comp., L-Ou chiao-y
yn-tung (The Educational Movement in Europe), Tours, France, 1916,
123 pp. See especially the section entitled "Reasons for Leaning Towards
French Education," pp. 63-65.
131. Ibid., p. 63.
132. Ibid., p. 65.
133. Ibid., pp. 50-55.
134. Ibid., p. 55.
135. Ibid., p. 55.
136. Shu Hsin-ch'eng, Chin-tai Chung-kuo liu-hseh shih (A History of
Students Abroad in Modern China), Shanghai, 1933, p. 88.
137. See Li Shih-tseng, "A Speech on Going to France to Study" (pp.
59-66) in Liu-Fa chien-hseh pao-kao shu, (Report of Frugal Study in
France) put out by the Kwangtung Branch of the Sino-French
Educational Association, Canton, 1918. This little volume contains some
twenty items relating to the work-study movement in France up to 1918,
including essays by its leaders, descriptions by participants, and a few
documents and news reports.
138. Ho Ch'ang -kung, Ch'in kung chien-hseh sheng-huo hui-i,
(Recollections of Diligent Work and Frugal Study Life), Peking 1958. A
very interesting work by a veteran Communist.
139. Pien Hsiao-hsuan, Editor, "Sources on Diligent Work and Frugal
Study in France", Chin-tai-shih tzu-liao(Contemporary Historical
Materials), No. 2, April, 1955, Peking, pp.174-208. Shu Hsin-ch'eng, op.
cit., says there were 1700 unemployed Chinese by the beginning of 1921.
p.94.
140. Sheng Ch'eng, Hai-wai kung-tu shih-nien chi-shih (A True Record
of Ten Years of Work and Study Overseas), Shanghai, 1932.
141. Ibid., pp. 52-54.
142. Ibid., pp. 56 ff .
143. "Letter Regarding Plans for the Fundamental Solution of the
Diligent Work-Frugal Student Movement," Hsin Chiao-y, Vol. 6, No. 2,
February, 1923, pp. 239-242.
144. Liang Ping-hsien, op. cit., No. 85, December 26, 1951, p.4.
145. Sheng Chieng, op. cit., pp. 68-69.
146. Ho Ch'ang-kung, op. cit., pp. 74-75.
147. A collection of writings, including the Ch'en-Ou exchange was
published by the Editorial Department, New Youth Society, entitled
She-hui chu-i t`ao-lun chi (Discussions on Socialism), Canton, 1922.
148. Ch'en Tu-hsiu, "Speaking on Politics," Ibid., pp.1-16.
149. For example, in a speech before the Canton Public School of Law
and Politics, entitled "Criticism. of Socialism," Ch'en said:"From the
political and economic aspects, Anarchism is absolutely unsuitable.
Anarchism is based upon the assumption that man is by nature good and
that education has been popularized. But the rise of political and
economic systems is precisely due to the fact that men are not all good by
nature and popular education has not been realized. What we need is to
reform slowly the political and economic institutions so as to make men
good and popularize education." op. cit., pp. 74-96. See also Li Ta, "The
Anatomy of Anarchism," Ibid., pp. 219-238.
150. "Another Answer by Ch`en Tu-hsiu to Ou Sheng-pai," Ibid., p. 119.
151. See Ou's answer in "Another Reply of Ou Sheng-pai to Ch'en
Tu-hsiu," Ibid., pp. 125-6, and Ch`en's reply, "Ch'en Tuhsiu's Third
Reply to Ou Sheng-pai," Ibid., pp. 137-138. "Another Answer by Ch'en
Tu-hsiu to Ou Sheng-pai," op. cit., p.125.
152. See Ch'en Tu-hsiu, "Chinese Style Anarchism," Hsin Ch'ing- nien,
Vol.9, No. 1, May 1, 1921, pp. 5-6.
153. "Ch`en Tu-hsiu's Third Reply to Ou Sheng-pai," op. cit., pp. 140 -1
154. "Ou Sheng-pai's Answer to Ch'en Tu-hsiu," Ibid., p. 118. See also
"Another Reply of Ou Sheng-pai to Ch'en Tu-hsiu," op. cit., pp. 127-128.
155. Ibid., p. 119.

End


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