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(en) US, Draft Proposal for a Continental Anti-Authoritarian Anti-Capitalist Network - a North America regional PGA like initiative

From Chuck0 <chuck@mutualaid.org>
Date Thu, 1 Jan 2004 21:15:01 +0100 (CET)


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On this tenth anniversary of the emergence of the Zapatistas from the Lacandon jungle,
we call for the formation of a continental anti-authoritarian anti-capitalist network
for North America. Our movements for liberation and freedom have met many challenges
and our resistance continues to grow. It is now time to organize ourselves better
through a de-centralized continental network of anti-capitalists.
We are everywhere, and yet we remain alienated from each other. Confined to the margins of
our communities, we live our daily lives without evidence of daily resistance. We know that
we are everywhere. In the margins of cyberspace, we constantly communicate. On the city's
walls, we scrawl our slogans. At the barricades, we lock eyes, knowing exactly why we are
there: social revolution. We want a world free from capitalism and institutional hierarchy.

We see that the class war being waged against the working class and the
poor is growing ever more intense. The U.S. Empire is literally
destroying the planet. The Empire has made it clear that they will use
endless amounts of capital to finance war regardless of the costs to
working people. Not only are these wars for Empire being waged with the
lives of the working class, but the Empire is conducting blatant
assaults on the working class via cuts in the social safety net, tax
cuts, downsizing, outsourcing, and the corporate defrauding of workers'
retirement, health care, and other benefits. The recent events in Miami
showed us that the regime will pursue economic empire and neocolonialism
by assaulting not just the working class and people of color in other
countries, but very much also here in the U.S. using military might and
violence to do so. The U.S. Empire speaks hollow words about terrorism,
yet fails to act against white supremacy in our police departments, the
continued use of the racist death penalty, the criminalization of drugs,
institutional racism in distribution of wealth, terrorism against the
homeless and people without papers, and violence against women and
lesbian-gay-bi-transgendered folks. The U.S. Empire continues to build
its police state complete with PATRIOT Acts, the militarization of the
police in major cities, COINTELPRO programs against dissenters, constant
surveillance, Orange Alert fear-mongering--all leading to greater public
awareness of the true nature of the State and growing discontent with it.

We have no choice but to fight back, and by putting forward an
anti-imperialist, anti-capitalist analysis and making our resistance
visible, more and more people will join the struggle.

Seattle, in 1999, marked the popular appearance of our movement. Yet,
our struggle precedes Seattle and extends far beyond the United States.
We oppose capitalist globalization while celebrating the globalization
of resistance to capitalism. We belong to a protest movement. We choke
on tear gas, curl from striking batons, dodge rubber bullets. When they
march, we dance. When the ruling class announces the date and location
of its next toast to capitalist domination, we converge to tear down
their cowardly fences.

Since 1999, we in North America have consistently mobilized against
capitalist summits, including the World Bank and International Monetary
Fund, the Free Trade of the Americas Agreement, and the World Economic
Forum. Our strategy has been to confront the administrators of global
capitalism wherever they meet. For a while, this strategy appeared to be
yielding positive results. Even if we were not altering the progress of
global capitalism, we were certainly inspiring great interest in our
movement- interest which was reflected in the attention we received and
still receive from corporate media and law enforcement. The strategy of
protesting summits also sustained the momentum of our movement. The
impact of momentum arguably culminated in July 2001 with the widescale
rioting in Genova and the death of Carlo Guliani. The following
September, the World Bank and International Monetary Fund were scheduled
to meet in Washington, DC. An unprecedented buzz, many will remember,
surrounded these protests.

Then, September 11th, 2001.

While the fundamental organization of our society- based upon capitalism
and hierarchy - has proceeded uninterrupted since September 11th, the
levels of violence and suffering which result from this organization
(mess) have only become more extreme, both domestically and worldwide.
Yet, our movement has mostly failed to adapt to the changes in our world
since September 11th. In January, 2002, we boldly confronted the World
Economic Forum in midtown Manhattan, just months after the attacks, just
miles from Ground Zero. We were greeted by a formidable police-state
which even used an ancient statute to forbid our wearing of masks. In
January 2002, on the cold streets of Manhattan, we should have realized
that our strategy needed to adjust itself to the post-911 climate.

Fast forward. Two years later, we meet in the streets of Miami. We
recall the spirit of Seattle and Quebec City and Cancun. At the front
lines, our understanding of the world crystallizes in a familiar
spectacle: a sensationalist media hungry for a riot, an overbearing show
of force by authorities, union members unwilling to embrace
confrontation, liberals encouraging peace and calm, and angry young
white kids dressed in black. After everybody returns home, we write and
read furious critiques of the protests. We even find ourselves shocked
by the extremity of police brutality. We convince ourselves that we won
a small battle, that we are winning, that we will win.

We may be winning.

If we are indeed winning, we must consider the blunders of the ruling
class- some might prefer to call it the 'crisis of global capitalism' -
as a significant reason. Before September 11th, we often had to convince
others that something was not entirely correct within America, that we
lived in a decadent, violent society. Now, few Americans would disagree
with this assertion. The system is rotten; now, we witness the process
of rotting. It's in the headlines: interminable warfare, the layoffs,
the corporate scandal, the erosion of civil liberties, the failure of
the press, the corruption.

The most pressing challenge, then, for our movement, is how we should
proceed in these volatile times. The strategy of summit-hopping, alone,
cannot sustain a true movement for social revolution. If we must rely
upon the ruling class to set the dates and locations of our
manifestation, then we will remain an inherently reactive movement. If
we rely upon moderate protest organizations to set the dates and obtain
the permits to the protests that we attend, then we will remain
marginalized as 'a fringe element' conducting 'break-away marches'.

Until now, anarchists and anti-authoritarian anti-capitalists in North
America have lived as alienated fragments, relying upon mass
mobilizations to make our greater existence evident to ourselves. Until
now, reaching beyond the ghettos of our radicalism has proven extremely
difficult. In the streets, we hide our faces. In cyberspace, we hide our
names. How might we, as anti-authoritarian anti-capitalists and
anarchists, establish trust and solidarity--with organized labor, for
example--when our collective identity is plagued by the popular
portrayal of corporate media and the anonymity that we require of
ourselves?

It is in the belief that we can best extend and escalate our resistance
if we maintain constant communication, coordination, and support
throughout North America, that a continental network is hereby proposed,
with the ultimate goal of creating social revolution in North America
promoted by the following means:

- organizing protests and actions on our own terms
- agitating, utilizing various forms of media and distribution,
street-level propaganda
- building relationships with local communities and groups
- supporting comrades in need of legal/fundraising
- sharing skills, such as medical training, self-defense, communication
(i.e. low power radio), and technology
- intervening in ongoing struggles, such as strikes and labor unrest

The organizing principles for such a network would presumably mirror
those used by People's Global Action. These organizing principles can be
read at the following URL:
http://www.nadir.org/nadir/initiativ/agp/cocha/principles.htm

Some of you may ask the question: who is behind this call? We are
several anti-capitalists who have collaborated to write this call. The
next steps are now up to you and your friends. The creation of this
network—if it happens—will be up to the people who read this call, agree
to it’s spirit and direction, and organize with other anti-capitalists
to make its vision a reality.

The proposal of a continental network surfaces now because echoes within
the movement and critiques of the movement, indicate that we live in
urgent times which are ripe for revolutionary thought and social change
within North America, and that we are not doing enough to promote
revolutionary thought and social change. The proposal of a continental
network assumes that individuals and groups, from coast to coast, are
willing to participate in the creation, formation, and sustenance of a
continental network.

We are everywhere.
Now let's prove it.

Please copy and distribute widely for suggestions, objections, and
discussion.

If you can translate this call into additional languages for us, please
contact us at deathofcats@ziplip.com.

This document is being discussed at the following web page:
http://www.infoshop.org/inews/stories.php?story=04/01/01/0303286

------------------

NOTES ON THE PROPOSED NETWORK

Meetings to Set Up Network

This network can only work if we meet face-to-face. We propose that a
series of regional meetings happen in early 2004 that would set the
groundwork for the first continental meeting in late 2004. For example,
regional meetings could be called for Western Canada, Southern Mexico,
Northern Mexico, American Southwest, the Great Plains, and so on. It’s
up to those of you who agree to this call to arrange these
meetings—there is no current coordinating committee to organize these
meetings for you.

Many Currents in the Anti-Capitalist Struggle

This continental network is not being organized to be THE organizer of
anti-capitalism in North America. It must be recognized that there are
going to be groups and individuals who desire to continue their work
without participating in a continental network. The real threat of
government repression also stipulates that a continental network not be
the only voice in the growing clamor against international capitalism.
Just as we fight against the capitalist monoculture on our farms, so
must we be wary of any continental organization that puts too many eggs
in one anti-capitalist basket.

The Many Faces of Our Struggle

It is all too easy for those of us who are in anti-capitalists in the
United States to think that our activism and dissent is the center of
the universe. As dissenters in the heart of American Empire, it is our
duty to model another world that is possible by fighting the hegemony of
American political dissent on other anti-capitalist struggles around the
continent. This network will conduct its business in the many languages
of the continent as much as possible. We will prioritize the everyday
struggles of people of color around the continent and remind ourselves
that North America includes Mexico and the areas of North America that
look more like the Global South than our rich, comfortable U.S. suburbs.

Organizational

We propose that this network closely follow the excellent model used by
People’s Global Action that prioritizes communication and facilitation
over organization building. Like PGA this network will serve as “an
instrument for co-ordination, not an organization.” This continental
anti-authoritarian anti-capitalist network will only work if it serves
to empower grassroots anti-capitalists and not the movement politicians
and cliques that seek to use our networks and organizations to
manipulate us. It’s also important that the internal work of maintaining
and forming the network not take time or work from the external work of
fighting capitalism.

E-mail list

Comments about this proposal can be posted to Infoshop News and/or the
acc-intl@lists.mutualaid.org mailing list. A working list for this
network will be set up soon.

---------------------------

This text has been released into the public domain, as long as all of
the text up to the point of this anti-copyright notice is included.
Abolish intellectual property and all capitalist and statist fetters on
the human imagination!

===========================

PEOPLES' GLOBAL ACTION (PGA)
Organisational Principles

(for the changes made at the conference in Cochabamba):

· That we would emphasize on autonomy and decentralization in each
region. Therefore, each region will decide how they want to organize
between the participating movements and organisations (one main
convenor, different co-convenors, collective participants, etc.).
Nevertheless, we agreed that it is necessary to have one point of
contact and coordination for every region, known to all the
participating movements and organisations;
· All proposals for actions, themes and issues discussed at the
international conference will come from the regional conferences. We
will have international conferences when necessary;
· There will be an equal participation of men and women in the
international and regional conferences. The gender issue will be
discussed at all of the PGA conferences, both at the international and
regional levels;
· We will reinforce exchanges and debates at the regional level through
caravans, exchange of people, products and experiences to initiate
discussions at the local level and share the result of these debates on
the global network;
· Reinforce technical support at the regional level by augmenting the
number of people involved and giving them clear mandates and functions;
· Add an appendix to the organisational principles to clarify the first
steps of each international conference;
· Add the struggles of the indigenous people to principle 1.3 (wording
accepted by the plenary);
· Change principle 7 on information (wording accepted by the plenary).
Organisational Principles
1. The PGA is an instrument for co-ordination, not an organisation. Its
main objectives are:
i. Inspiring the greatest possible number of persons and organisations
to act against corporate domination through civil disobedience and
people-oriented constructive actions.
ii. Offering an instrument for co-ordination and mutual support at
global level for those resisting corporate rule and the capitalist
development paradigm.
iii. Giving more international projection to the struggles against
economic liberalisation and global capitalism, as well as to the
struggles of indigenous people and original cultures.


2. The organisational philosophy of the PGA is based on decentralisation
and autonomy. Hence, central structures are minimal. Following the same
idea, each region's participating organisations and movements will
decide how to organize locally. Nevertheless, there needs to be a point
of contact and coordination for each of these regions, decided at
regional level and known to all the participating organisations and
movements of the network.

3. The PGA has no membership.

4. The PGA does not have and will not have a juridical personality. It
will not be legalised or registered in any country. No organisation or
person represents the PGA, nor does the PGA represent any organisation
or person.

5. There will be conferences of the PGA when judged necessary by the
participating organisations and movements. The functions of these
conferences will be:
i. Updating the manifesto (if necessary)
ii. Advancing in the process of co-ordination at global level of the
resistance against "free" trade
iii. Co-ordinating decentralised actions according to the global days of
action and the sustained campaigns of the PGA.

There will be an equal participation of women and men in the
international and regional conferences. The gender issue will be
discussed at all of the PGA conferences, both at the international and
regional levels.

6. The conferences of the PGA will be convened by a committee conformed
by representative organisations and movements of each region, including
the points of contact named for each of these regions. The composition
of this committee must show a regional balance, and a balance regarding
the areas of work of the organisations and movements that conform it.
The local organisers will be part of the committee.
This committee will fulfil the following tasks:
i. Coordinating the programme of the conference according to the
proposals for themes, actions and issues emerging from the regional
conferences
ii. Coordinating the selection of the delegates, in respect with the
principle of decentralization and autonomy of each region as well as in
accordance with the decisions taken on this matter at the regional
conferences
iii. Deciding about the use of resources; especially, deciding which
organisations will receive help to pay the travel expenses to attend the
conference
iv. Advising the local organisers in technical and organisational questions
v. Interpreting the manifesto if this would be necessary (the whole part
on publications and info to be taken out)

The committee, just like any other participating organisation or
movement, cannot speak in the name of the PGA.

Each conference of the PGA will be coordinated by a committee conformed
of different organisations and movements. Also, the points of contact
named for each region will change in each regional conference (used to
be in each international conference but it is now a problem to leave it
like that if we're going to have international conferences only when
judged necessary...). The old committee will choose a small group that
will act as advisers of the new committee. It will also provide
technical support at the regional level. This advisory group will not
have decision- making power.

7. (English)
In keeping with PGA's philosophy, all communication processes will be
diverse, decentralised and coordinated. There will be at least one point
of contact in each region to be decided at regional level.

Whilst recognising there are limits to the internet, the PGA website
will comprise of PGA documents including conference notes and contact
lists. All documents will be translated into as many diverse languages
as possible. For all this communication to work effectively,
responsibility must be taken at the regional level by as many groups as
possible.

(Espanol)
En acuerdo con la filosofia del AGP, todos procesos de comunicaciones
seran diversos, descentralizados y coordinados. Habra por lo menos un
punto de contacto en cada region, que se decidra al nivel regional.

Mientras reconozcamos los limites del internet, la pagina web del AGP
tendra todas las documentaciones del AGP, incluyendo relatorios de
conferencias y listas de contactos. Todos los documentos seran
traducidos en las mas diversas idiomas posibles. Para que toda esa
comunicacion sea efectiva, debe ser responsabilidad del mas grande
numero de grupos posible al nivel regional.

(Français)
En accord avec la philosophie de l'AMP, tous les processus de
communications seront divers, décentralisés et coordonnés. Il y aura au
moins un point de contact pour chaque région, choisi régionalement.

Bien que reconnaissant les limites du système internet, le site web de
l'AMP comprendra tous les documents du réseau, incluant les notes de
conférences et les listes de contact. Tous les documents seront traduits
dans le plus de langues possibles. Afin de rendre cette communication
effective, la responsabilité sera assumée par le plus grand nombre de
groupes possible au niveau régional.

8. The PGA will not have any resources. The funds needed to pay the
conferences and the information tools will have to be raised in a
decentralised way. All the funds raised for the conference will be
administered by the committee. The publications will have to be
self-financed.

9. The PGA has a rotative secretariat, which changes every year. Each
committee, during it's term, will decide where the secretariats will be.

10. The conferences of the PGA will not include the discussion of these
organisational principles in the programme. If there is a concrete
request, a discussion group on organisational questions will be formed.
This discussion group will meet parallel to the programme of the
conference, to elaborate concrete modification proposals which shall be
voted upon in the plenary.

11. The PGA hopes that it will inspire the creation of different
platforms (both regional and issue-based) against "free" trade and the
different institutions that promote it. There will not be, however, a
relationship of pertenence between these platforms and the PGA. The
platforms will hence be completely autonomous.

The PGA also aims to initiate discussions at the regional level through
various means, emphasizing on the organisation of caravans, as well as
the exchange of people, products and experiences between regions. The
results of these debates will then be shared at the global level with
the whole network.


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