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(en) 6th FdCA Congress (June 2004): Motion on Conflicts and Anti-Militarism (it)

From Federazione dei Comunisti Anarchici <internazionale@fdca.it>
Date Sun, 12 Dec 2004 12:12:09 +0100 (CET)


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CONFLICTS AND ANTI-MILITARISM
1. The contradictions of international capitalism have taken a strategic turn
since the end of the 20th century, with:
1.1 the transformation of vast areas previously controlled by Soviet imperialism
into markets, from the Mediterranean Sea to the Middle East to Central Asia;
1.2 the imbalance which has come about in the military arena in favour of the
USA, with the collapse of the Red Army (1989, withdrawal from Afghanistan…);
1.3 the rapid reduction of manoevrability (economic and military) on the
international scene for the national bourgeoisies of these areas which have
been forced to re-position themselves within the new imperialist contradictions;

1.4 the use of international capitalism's financial institutions to create
relationships of an imperialist nature between the USA, the G8 countries and
these areas in a classic division of the world into spheres of influence.


2. The temporary results of these contradictions show that:

2.1 access in those areas to substantial energy resources such as oil, gas and
water, together with access to the ports and corridors (either already
existing, in construction or in development) required for their transportation
to the West (Black Sea, Mediterranean), to the East (the industrial areas of
southeastern China), to the North (Russia) and to the South (Persian Gulf,
Indian Ocean) is tied to levels of strength and is not guaranteed by market
mechanisms;

2.2 competition for the control of these territories, which are governed by
nationalist or ethnic-religious élites, has become fierce and is no longer
manageable simply by financing one or other of the various élites through
technology and arms according to market laws and the imperialist interests at
stake (USA, Russia, China and regional powers like Israel, Turkey, Pakistan,
India, Iran and until recently, Iraq);

2.3 the definitive destabilization of those areas, no longer linked to the
balance of interests of the USA, USSR and the regional powers, has encouraged
the establishment of armed Islamic élites (previously used and supported in
order to remove the Soviet threat/presence) who have gradually become a new
threat to any competitor in the area, both from an economic and military point
of view;

2.4 the problems of command over those areas which are vital for the control of
raw materials have moved from the commercial level to the military and the
answer could only have been military given the sequence of acts of war which
began with the 1st Gulf War in 1991 and continued through the New York and
Washington attacks up to the US-led attacks on Afghanistan in 2002 and Iraq in
2003;

2.5 the political inconsistency of the European Union in protecting its
interests in the area and the crisis within NATO as a multi-lateral alliance
have favoured the birth of a new Paris-Berlin-Moscow axis (perhaps also Madrid)
which, with its opposition to the attack on Iraq, could eventually become the
basis for a strategic alliance capable of re-drawing the present
inter-imperialist map.


3. The geo-political conditions and strategic relevance of those areas which
are rich in resources, through which trade corridors run or which contain
important access points for imperialist interests, therefore require that these
areas be either occupied or militarily controlled. Thus:

3.1 the invasion of Iraq is only the latest military episode of a world war
which was sparked off at the dawn of the 21st century by the conflicting
interests of the great powers and rampant regional élites;

3.2 the economic control of resources, deposits and trade routes is at stake;

3.3 also at stake is the political and ideological subjugation of dominant
bourgeoisies and population masses in developing countries or very poor
countries;

3.4 in the continuing process of decomposition and destabilization of the
current geo-political scene in the Middle East and Central Asia, military
intervention is designed to block the development of any political, economic or
religious powers which could harm Anglo-American capitalist interests;

3.5 the war's remunerative mechanism with regard to the economy of the US (in
particular) and the world (in general) will be short-lived, as so-called
military Keynesism is by no means a solution to the problems of the endemic
crisis in the world economy;

3.6 for a country with an annual military budget of over $350 million, some
hard choices will have to be made (technologically and numerically); the future
of the US armed forces and US strategy will need to form a central part of
national interests; technological innovations (like the "star wars" programme)
will be preferred to or used alongside a re-launching of conventional arms and
levels of troop deployments which will make the Cold War years the safest since
World War II; military and security services will also be externalized and
privatized and will no longer be the prerogative of the State alone;

3.7 the establishment of a state of permanent war must be seen together with
the exhaustion of the capitalist globalization offensive through the
globalization of markets and finance, the planet-wide spread of precariousness
and flexibility in the labour market, the privatization of collective social
and environmental wealth, achieved with the no-less violent arms of
exploitation and slavery;

3.8 capitalist domination hand in hand with militarism hits hardest those
people who are already heavily exploited; it establishes new nationalisms and
serves to finance fiercer religious fundamentalism;

3.9 capital-militarism sows repression within States and expects the various
movements to believe in the fairy tale of a war on terrorism; it forces single
states to adopt a war economy which is founded on restrictive budget policies
accompanied by policies designed to weaken salaries; there follows a reduction
of demand and therefore of consumption, which can only be compensated for with
difficulty through an increase of aggregate demand due to sterile military
Keynesism or to tax reductions.


4. Faced with the growing military occupation of civilian society (both
physically and media-based) and with the spread of an aberrant conviction of a
"state of necessity" for a military presence in every corner of the world in
order to guarantee security (sic!), we must encourage the spread of a vigorous
anti-militarist consciousness. Faced with the growth and globalization of
military alliances, we must seek to ensure the growth and continued political
activity of an equally global movement which is strongly anti-militarist and
anti-war. This movement must unmask and denounce the firm link between
militarism and capitalism. The FdCA will therefore base and develop its tactics
on the following strategic lines:

4.1 Wars always break out as a result of a clash between huge economic
interests and geo-political power. Any reasons which may be given for war
(anti-terrorism, humanitarian, nationalist, ethnic, religious, tribal, etc.)
only serve to hide the true stakes and sow the seeds of hatred with the aim of
setting the weaker, poorer classes against each other.

4.2 Nationalism and ethnic or religious affiliation are the ideologies used
ever more frequently by national States (often developing countries or "high
poor" countries) and by economic-military power castes in order to obtain
consensus for their protectionist economic policies. These policies are
designed to protect niche markets or the control of resources and strategic
corridors as an integral part of the globalization process, paid for at great
cost by the working classes. Accordingly, fighting nationalism means fighting
capitalism.

4.3 Militarism and the militarization of society are forms of social control
which go hand in hand with nationalist ideologies. They constitute the global
market for the arms trade. They open the way for imperialist interests.
Fighting against militarism means fighting against capitalism.

4.4 Anti-terrorist or "humanitarian" military interventions against various
dictators and castes, or in support of warring national interests, do not lead
to liberation or democracy but to a state of endemic war. Armies and military
bases are semi-permanently based in war zones and in nearby countries, in order
to protect the economic interests of international capitalism. Alongside this
we see the growth in the hypocritical market of "humanitarian aid" and
"reconstruction" with all the speculation, money-laundering and abuse of
civilians that this entails. Fighting against military intervention means
fighting against capitalism.


5. The anti-militarist struggle is part and parcel of the general
anti-capitalist struggle. Accordingly, in its mobilizations against war, the
FdCA places the strongest possible emphasis on the struggle against the
dominant classes of any country; we do not place one people over another,
neither do we promote the emancipation and liberation of any one people (taken
to include all its classes) if this serves to perpetuate the class domination
of a new national bourgeoisie over the usual exploited masses. On this basis
the FdCA intends to act:

5.1 within the non-violent pacifist movement, to seek an end to war everywhere,
for peace, against increases in military spending, for peaceful humanitarian
assistance and international solidarity, for assistance to and a welcome for
refugees and deserters, for the withdrawal of all armies, for disarmament in
general and the de-militarization of society, for an emphasis on civilian
society, so that peace can serve to bring a new return to the class struggle,
because fighting for peace means fighting against capitalism;

5.2 within the global pacifist movement, to seek to give it a federalist,
horizontal and anti-authoritarian character with, in particular, the increasing
use of committees against the war and against military bases, watchdog bodies
on the militarization of society, in order that the global pacifist movement
move towards anti-capitalism and a rejection of militarism (both institutional
and that expressed by elitist minorities within society and within the
movements);

5.3 within the social, political, labour and cultural movements which fight
against globalization and for peace, so that they firmly oppose all
freedom-killing measures disguised as anti-terrorism which force civilian
society to accept "more security for less freedom" and place into the hands of
governments the power to use the enemy without (who is far away, but brought
much closer thanks to the media) in order to create an equally militarized home
front, not only for support (military bases, security services, "cleansed"
information), but also as a frontline against the "enemy" within (migrants,
anti-militarist pacifists, anti-globalization activists, syndicalists against
the war, and the various organizations involved);

5.4 within the anti-racist movement in order to express our strong opposition
and our determined response to the attempts to spark off a clash of religions
through a cultural fight influenced by secularism; we must fight the
commonly-held belief that ethnic and religious identity represents the
culmination of the individual's human, social and political experience and that
of organized society; we must show it is possible to live together and we must
promote class unity, demonstrating the uselessness of religion, if we wish
everyone to be treated as citizens and to be free as individuals independent of
their geographical origins, if we wish to promote the global dimension of the
exploited, independently of the religion they profess; we must win the right to
freedom of and from religion, in every country of the world;

5.5 within a movement where we women are active in expressing their aversion to
any use of women's bodies for militarist purposes, from ethnic rape to
martyrization, to "liberation" as a form of war booty; we must unmask the
profound male chauvinism which is rooted in militarist ideology and in
relationships dominated by the state of war, ready to liberate oppressed women
by bombing their houses and their family intimacy and to treat male prisoners
as female objects in order to render them passive through torture and sexual
abuse; there will be no liberation of women or of men without any real
guarantee of parity in the workplace, in public life or in private life;

5.6 within the anti-militarist movement in order to imbue it with certain
unequivocal watchwords: ceasefire; stop the spread of war; de-militarize;
multilateral disarmament; aid and solidarity for refugees; self-determination
for women and men; restoration of political, social, labour, religious and
cultural rights; international solidarity for the support of the exploited
classes.

FdCA - FEDERAZIONE dei COMUNISTI ANARCHICI

Adopted by the 6th National Congress, Cremona 19th-20th June 2004

http://www.fdca.it/fdcaen


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