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(en) OSL: Argentina - for the path of popular resistance (ca)

From Worker <a-infos-en@ainfos.ca>
Date Mon, 31 Mar 2003 12:01:13 +0200 (CEST)


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For the urns, they all stay
FOR THE PATH OF POPULAR RESISTANCE
So that not one stays

In spite of the institutional, social and economic crisis of
Argentina, the bourgeoisie upholds its political initiatives.

There is an institutional crisis expressed in the Mafioso fight
for the tools of power within the bourgeois parties. The PJ
(Partido Justicialista) will present itself in the presidential
elections with three candidates. However, on March 2nd, the
elections in Catamarca, offered a sample of what they are
capable of doing in order to stay in power; burning urns and
placing armed thugs in the doorways of the voting centres.

It took the UCR (Union Civica Radical) two months to put an end
to an embarrassing internal situation with accusations of fraud.
In the end, they appointed Leopoldo Moreau, a candidate that
barely raises interest in the polls, while the UCR voters
emigrate to the left with Elisa Carrió and to the right with
Ricardo López Murphy.

In this context, former president Carlos Menem (with his
proposal of using the armed forces for national security) plans
to take advantage of this situation of social decomposition to
impose heavy-handed authority, just like the former Minister (of
Defence and of the Economy) in the Fernando de la Rua
government, López Murphy, who declared that with his government
the picketers would not last one single day in the streets.

There is not one new presidential candidate. Even from the Left,
the candidatures express an Argentina prior to [the uprising
of] December 19th and 20st, 2001. Despite the popular demands
most heard during the revolt and in the following months, they
have all decided to stay.

The institutional, political and social crises, apparent in the
permanent cutbacks and in the systematic abandonment of health
and education, and in the privatisation of public services that
transform consumers into hostages of robbery by the
multinationals, the permanent social violence and the brutal
State repression in the social conflict follow a line of
reasoning based on agreements with the IMF (International
Monetary Fund) and have allowed the regime to divide and break
up the demands, with the idea of tiring them out, to make them
even more and more divided.

In this pre-electoral context, the Minister of the Economy,
Roberto Lavagna, declared that the priorities which will enable
an upsurge in Argentina are the reducing of costs in production
(lowering wages to the levels of Brazilian pay) and the
disciplining of the social protests. The government believes
that both factors drive investors away and sustains that each
popular demand implies rebellion and sedition. However the INDEC
indicated that in 2002 the Gross National Product of Argentina
dropped by 10.9%, the biggest drop in the history of the
country, even more than during the 1929crash. The coarsest and
most criminal campaign of the regime's mass media speaks of
"street militias financed by the State" and of "unbearable
piquetera anarchy" (from "Ambito Financiero," February 20,
2003)."

Nevertheless, flexibility is based on manpower created through
employment from subsidies for the unemployed in municipal jobs,
in schools and hospitals; and the government seeks to increase
flexibility with its campaign to "return to work" (slavery, we
might add), seeking to enforce company benefit plans in the
private sector.

While the Department of Employment eliminates the double
compensation for unjustified redundancies, the newspaper La
Razón, calls this workers' right an "extraordinary benefit", in
line with the bosses. What are the thoughts of the press worker
who edited the article and then suffered the redundancy, salary
reduction and trade union persecution in the same newspaper
midway through last year?

This is the scenario upon which capital is demonizing those
social participants who are embarked on an alternative
construction process that was started or gained strength from
19th and 20th December onwards.

However, it is necessary to remember that the labour and social
conquests were achieved through illegal methods such as strikes,
boycotts and sabotage put into practice by the emerging working
class.

We said that "it will not be possible to erase December 20th
from the collective memory but the bourgeoisie will try to give
it a new meaning starting from the new relationships of force
that it forged (En La Calle N°43 January / February 2002)".
The ferocious propaganda campaign and the operations mounted
around events a year after the uprising in Argentina are proof
of the ideological fight to give a meaning to the days that
overthrew the Fernando de la Rua government. While the popular
organizations speak of popular actions and try to revive the
revolt, the bourgeoisie skilfully put all their resources into
associating December 20th with the worst parts of the crisis:
the police murders, the social disintegration as a result of
lootings, the corralito [restricted access to savings in
dollars].

In the weakness and fragmentation of the sectors in struggle the
strength of capital is apparent, recomposing its forces on the
crisis with an instrument that appeared worn out on the 19th and
20th of December: the trap of elections.

Diverse "piquetera" organisations are presenting themselves at
the elections with a logic that strengthens the bankrupt system.


They are organizations that were born from the top down, due to
a momentary tactical necessity. They will end up as prisoners of
a general strategy of political construction that subordinates
the needs of the movement to a programmatic calendar imposed
from outside.

By following this path, what is new will still not articulate
their forces, while what is from the past will be able to
recompose itself.

The next ruler will be a weak president from the point of view
of the support of the electoral census, but the system will have
been able to legitimate its never-ending pillage and plunder.
The sectors in resistance that fall prisoner to the
institutional dynamics, without resources nor any real
possibility of predominance, will have fulfilled the desire of
the powers-that-be: to quantify through votes the percentage of
social representation of the organizations in struggle and
therefore to establish a ceiling to their aspirations.

The government needs to definitively dismantle the popular
organizations, using any possible means.

To this end, they have put into operation the most diverse
tools. Para-police and police pressure on social militants in
the neighbourhoods. Drowning the Movements by granting them an
unlimited (though at the same time never enough for all the
unemployed) quantity of subsidies impossible to assimilate and
to channel into popular organization by the MTD (Movements of
Unemployed Workers) that suffer the leadership of vanguards and
vanguard practices. The extortion of the people who benefit from
employment plans so they don't join the Movements. The legal
action against the protest. When it is not State terrorism, put
into practice on June 26 with the massacre on the Pueyredon
Bridge.

For that reason, we only trust our own forces, assuming popular
construction, active participation in or construction of
workers' and unemployed workers' organizations. With a real
composition of masses, with a working class tendency and based
on territorial organisation. With a plan based on a policy of
struggle able to articulate Popular Resistance in the diverse
organisations and people that confront the policies of robbery
and oppression. Setting down as immediate points of struggle
wage increases, tax repeal, an increase in health budgets (with
guaranteed medication and healthcare) and education (with
guaranteed school material, books and clothing), implanting
quotas of foods and subsidies for soup kitchens, the end of
State and para-State repression, the dropping of charges against
all the popular fighters and punishment for the murderers of
Javier Barrionuevo, Darío Santillán and Maximiliano Kosteki and
all ours who have died in struggle.

April 2003.

ORGANIZACION SOCIALISTA LIBERTARIA argentina
Publishers of EN LA CALLE, the voice of organized anarchism

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